Full text of "David Crystal"

DAVID CRYSTAL



Language and
the Internet




Cambridge



mare infoimalion - www.cambridge.org/05211102121



This page intentionally left blank



Language and the Internet

David Crystal investigates the nature of the impact which the
Internet is making on language. There is already a widespread
popular mythology that the Internet is going to be bad for the
future of language - that technospeak will rule, standards be lost,
and creativity diminished as globalization imposes sameness. The
argument of this book is the reverse: that the Internet is in fact
enabling a dramatic expansion to take place in the range and
variety of language, and is providing unprecedented opportunities
for personal creativity. The Internet has now been around long
enough for us to 'take a view' about the way in which it is being
shaped by and is shaping language and languages, and there is no
one better placed than David Crystal to take that view. His book is
written to be accessible to anyone who has used the Internet and
who has an interest in language issues.

DAVID CRYSTAL is one of the world's foremost authorities on
language, and as editor of the Cambridge Encyclopedia database he
has used the Internet for research purposes from its earliest
manifestations. His work for a high technology company involved
him in the development of an information classification system
with several Internet applications, and he has extensive
professional experience of Web issues.

Professor Crystal is author of the hugely successful Cambridge
Encyclopedia of Language (1987; second edition 1997), Cambridge
Encyclopedia of the English Language (1995), English as a Global
Language (1997), and Language Death (2000). An internationally
renowned writer, journal editor, lecturer and broadcaster, he
received an OBE in 1995 for his services to the English language.
His edited books include The Cambridge Encyclopedia (1990;
second edition 1994; third edition 1997; fourth edition 2000), The
Cambridge Paperback Encyclopedia (1993; second edition 1995;
third edition 1999), The Cambridge Biographical Encyclopedia
(1994; second edition 1998) and The Cambridge Factfinder (199 '4;
second edition 1997; third edition 1998; fourth edition 2000).



Language and the
Internet

DAVID CRYSTAL



Cambridge

UNIVERSITY PRESS



PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK

40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA

477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia

Ruiz de Alarcon 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain

Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa

http://www.cambridge.org

© David Crystal 2004

First published in printed format 2001

ISBN 0-51 1-0325 1-X eBook (Adobe Reader)
ISBN 0-521-80212-1 hardback



Contents



Preface vii

1 A linguistic perspective 1

2 The medium of Netspeak 24

3 Finding an identity 62

4 The language of e-mail 94

5 The language of chatgroups 129

6 The language of virtual worlds 171

7 The language of the Web 195

8 The linguistic future of the Internet 224

References 243
Index of authors 253
Index of topics 256



Preface



In his book A brief history of the future: the origins of the Internet,
John Naughton comments: 1

The Internet is one of the most remarkable things human beings
have ever made. In terms of its impact on society, it ranks with
print, the railways, the telegraph, the automobile, electric power
and television. Some would equate it with print and television, the
two earlier technologies which most transformed the
communications environment in which people live. Yet it is
potentially more powerful than both because it harnesses the
intellectual leverage which print gave to mankind without being
hobbled by the one-to-many nature of broadcast television.

In Weaving the Web, the World Wide Web's inventor, Tim Berners-
Lee, quotes a speech made by the South African president, Thabo
Mbeki: 2

on how people should seize the new technology to empower
themselves; to keep themselves informed about the truth of their
own economic, political and cultural circumstances; and to give
themselves a voice that all the world could hear.

And he adds: T could not have written a better mission statement
for the World Wide Web.' Later he comments:

The Web is more a social creation than a technical one.

And again:

the dream of people-to-people communication through shared
knowledge must be possible for groups of all sizes, interacting
electronically with as much ease as they do now in person.

1 Naughton (1999: 21-2).

2 Berners-Lee (1999: 110, 133, 169).



Vll



viii Preface

Remarks of this kind have grown since the mid-1990s. An empha-
sis, which formerly was on technology, has shifted to be on people
and purposes. And as the Internet comes increasingly to be viewed
from a social perspective, so the role of language becomes central.
Indeed, notwithstanding the remarkable technological achieve-
ments and the visual panache of screen presentation, what is imme-
diately obvious when engaging in any of the Internet's functions is
its linguistic character. If the Internet is a revolution, therefore, it
is likely to be a linguistic revolution.

I wrote this book because I wanted to find out about the role of
language in the Internet and the effect of the Internet on language,
and could find no account already written. In the last few years,
people have been asking me what influence the Internet was having
on language and I could give only impressionistic answers. At the
same time, pundits have been making dire predictions about the
future of language, as a result of the Internet's growth. The media
would ask me for a comment, and I could not make an informed
one; when they insisted, as media people do, I found myself waf-
fling. It was time to sort out my ideas, and this book is the result.
I do not think I could have written it five years ago, because of the
lack of scholarly studies to provide some substance, and the gen-
eral difficulty of obtaining large samples of data, partly because of
the sensitivity surrounding the question of whether Internet data
is public or private. Even now the task is not an easy one, and I
have had to use constructed examples, from time to time, to fill
out my exposition. Fortunately, a few books and anthologies deal-
ing with Internet language in a substantial way appeared between
1996 and 2000, and focused journals, notably the online Journal
of Computer-Mediated Communication, began to provide a useful
range of illustrations, associated commentary, and an intellectual
frame of reference. The extent to which I have relied on these sources
will be apparent from the footnotes.

A single intuition about Internet language is next to useless,
given the sheer scale of the phenomenon; and the generally youthful
character of those using the medium hitherto has put my personal
intuition under some strain, given that I fall just outside the peak



Preface ix

age-range of Internet users (said to be 20-somethings). I am there-
fore very happy to acknowledge the assistance at various points of
daughters Lucy and Suzanne - both professionally involved in the
communications world - and son Ben for providing a bridge to the
Internet as they know it to be, in their generation, and for provid-
ing extra data. I am also most grateful to Patricia Wallace, Simon
Mitchell, and my editor at Cambridge University Press, Kevin
Taylor, for further valuable comment, and to my wife, Hilary, for
her invaluable critical reading of the screenscript. It is conventional
for authors to express their sense of responsibility for any remain-
ing infelicities, and this I willingly do - but of course excluding,
in this case, those developments in the Internet revolution, pre-
dictable in their unpredictability, which will manifest themselves
between now and publication, and make my topical illustrations
seem dated. Nine months is a short time in terms of book pro-
duction, but a very long time in the world of the Internet. Who
knows how many of the Web sites I have used will still be around
in a year's time? I hope nonetheless that my focus on general issues
will enable Language and the Internet to outlast such changes, and
provide a linguistic perspective which will be of relevance to any of
the Internet's future incarnations.

David Crystal
Holyhead, January 2001



A linguistic perspective



Will the English-dominated Internet
spell the end of other tongues?

Quite e-vil: the mobile phone
whisperers

A major risk for humanity

These quotations illustrate widely held anxieties about the effect
of the Internet on language and languages. The first is the sub-
heading of a magazine article on millennial issues. 1 The second is
the headline of an article on the rise of new forms of impoliteness in
communication among people using the short messaging service
on their mobile phones. 2 The third is a remark from the President of
France, Jacques Chirac, commenting on the impact of the Internet
on language, and especially on French. 3 My collection of press clip-
pings has dozens more in similar vein, all with a focus on language.
The authors are always ready to acknowledge the immense tech-
nological achievement, communicative power, and social potential
of the Internet; but within a few lines their tone changes, as they
express their concerns. It is a distinctive genre of worry. But unlike
sociologists, political commentators, economists, and others who
draw attention to the dangers of the Internet with respect to such
matters as pornography, intellectual property rights, privacy, se-
curity, libel, and crime, these authors are worried primarily about
linguistic issues. For them, it is language in general, and individual
languages in particular, which are going to end up as Internet

1 Used in an article by Jim Erickson, 'Cyberspeak: the death of diversity', Asiaweek, 3 July
1998, 15.

2 Lydia Slater, in The Sunday Times, 30 January 2000, 10.

3 'Language and electronics: the coming global tongue', The Economist, 21 December 1996,

37.



2 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

casualties, and their specific questions raise a profusion of spec-
tres. Do the relaxed standards of e-mails augur the end of literacy
and spelling as we know it? Will the Internet herald a new era of
technobabble? Will linguistic creativity and flexibility be lost as
globalization imposes sameness?

There is of course nothing new about fears accompanying the
emergence of a new communications technology. In the fifteenth
century, the arrival of printing was widely perceived by the Church
as an invention of Satan, the hierarchy fearing that the dissemi-
nation of uncensored ideas would lead to a breakdown of social
order and put innumerable souls at risk of damnation. Steps were
quickly taken to limit its potentially evil effects. Within half a cen-
tury of Gutenberg's first Bible (1455), Frankfurt had established
a state censorship office to suppress unorthodox biblical transla-
tions and tracts ( 1 486) , and soon after, Pope Alexander VI extended
censorship to secular books (1501). Around 400 years later, simi-
lar concerns about censorship and control were widespread when
society began to cope with the political consequences of the arrival
of the telegraph, the telephone, and broadcasting technology. The
telegraph would destroy the family and promote crime. 4 The tele-
phone would undermine society. Broadcasting would be the voice
of propaganda. In each case, the anxiety generated specifically lin-
guistic controversy. Printing enabled vernacular translations of the
Bible to be placed before thousands, adding fuel to an argument
about the use of local languages in religious settings which con-
tinues to resonate today. And when broadcasting enabled selected
voices to be heard by millions, there was an immediate debate over
which norms to use as correct pronunciation, how to achieve clarity
and intelligibility, and whether to permit local accents and dialects,
which remains as lively a debate in the twenty-first century as it
was in the twentieth.

The Internet is an association of computer networks with com-
mon standards which enable messages to be sent from any central



4 The parallels between the arrival of the Internet and the arrival of the telegraph are
explored in Standage (1999).



A linguistic perspective 3

computer (or host) on one network to any host on any other. It de-
veloped in the 1960s in the USA as an experimental network which
quickly grew to include military, federal, regional, university, busi-
ness, and personal users. It is now the world's largest computer
network, with over 100 million hosts connected by the year 2000,
providing an increasing range of services and enabling unprece-
dented numbers of people to be in touch with each other through
electronic mail (e-mail), discussion groups, and the provision of
digital 'pages' on any topic. Functional information, such as elec-
tronic shopping, business data, advertisements, and bulletins, can
be found alongside creative works, such as poems and scripts, with
the availability of movies, TV programmes, and other kinds of en-
tertainment steadily growing. Some commentators have likened the
Internet to an amalgam of television, telephone, and conventional
publishing, and the term cyberspacehas been coined to capture the
notion of a world of information present or possible in digital form
(the information superhighway) . The potential of the Internet is cur-
rently limited by relatively slow data-transmission speeds, and by
the problems of management and retrieval posed by the existence
of such a vast amount of information (see chapter 7); but there is
no denying the unprecedented scale and significance of the Net,
as a global medium. The extra significance is even reflected in the
spelling, in languages which use capital letters: this is the first such
technology to be conventionally identified with an initial capital.
We do not give typographical enhancement to such developments
as 'Printing', 'Publishing', 'Broadcasting', 'Radio', or 'Television', but
we do write 'Internet' and 'Net'. 5

What is it like to be a regular citizen of the Internet, a netizeri?
Those who already spend appreciable amounts of time online need



5



In its sense as a global network of computers. When the term is used to refer to a
local network, or some local set of connected networks, it is usually given a lower-case
initial - though usage is uncertain in both contexts. The abbreviated form, Net, is generally
capitalized. Private networks within organizations, or intranets, are always lower-case. It
is important to note that other networks exist. A chatgroup system, such as the Usenet
newsgroups (pp. 131-3), may be carried by other networks than the Internet (such as
UUCP). Although the focus of this book is the Internet, its conclusions apply just as
much to these other nets.



4 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

only self-reflect; for those who do not, the self-descriptions of a
'day in a netizen's life' are informative. Here is Shawn Wilbur's, as
he describes what a 'virtual community' means to him: 6

For me it is the work of a few hours a day, carved up into minutes
and carried on from before dawn until long after dark. I venture
out onto the Net when I wake in the night, while coffee water
boils, or bath water runs, between manuscript sections or student
appointments. Or I keep a network connection open in the
background while I do other work. Once or twice a day, I log on
for longer periods of time, mostly to engage in more demanding
realtime communication, but I find that is not enough. My
friends and colleagues express similar needs for frequent
connection, either in conversation or through the covetous looks
they cast at occupied terminals in the office. Virtual community is
this work, this immersion, and also the connections it represents.
Sometimes it is realtime communication. More often it is
asynchronous and mostly solitary, a sort of textual flirtation that
only occasionally aims at any direct confrontation of voices or
bodies.

And there are now several sites which will advise you of the
symptoms to look out for if you want to know whether you are
Internet-driven. Here is a short selection from various pages headed
'addicted to the Internet':

You wake up at 3 a.m. to go to the bathroom and stop to check

your e-mail on the way back to bed.
You sign off and your screen says you were on for 3 days and

45 minutes.
You placed the refrigerator beside your computer.
You say 'scroll up' when someone asks what it was you said.
All of your friends have an @ in their names.
You tell the cab driver you live at

http://123.elm.street/house/bluetrim.html
You check your mail. It says 'no new messages'. So you check it

again.
Your phone bill comes to your doorstep in a box.

6 Wilbur (1996: 13-14). See also Naughton's account (1999: 143ff.).



A linguistic perspective 5

It is not the aim of this book to reflect on the consequences
for individuals or for society of lives that are lived largely in cy-
berspace. My aim is much more modest: it is to explore the ways in
which the nature of the electronic medium as such, along with the
Internet's global scale and intensity of use, is having an effect on
language in general, and on individual languages in particular. It
seems likely that these effects will be as pervasive and momen-
tous as in the case of the previous communication technologies,
mentioned above, which gave language printed and broadcast di-
mensions that generated many new distinctive varieties and usages,
from the telegrammatic graphic prominence of newspaper head-
lines to the hyperverbal sonic prominence of sports commentaries.
The electronic medium, to begin with, presents us with a chan-
nel which facilitates and constrains our ability to communicate in
ways that are fundamentally different from those found in other
semiotic situations. Many of the expectations and practices which
we associate with spoken and written language, as we shall see
(chapter 2), no longer obtain. The first task is therefore to in-
vestigate the linguistic properties of the so-called 'electronic re-
volution', and to take a view on whether the way in which we use
language on the Internet is becoming so different from our pre-
vious linguistic behaviour that it might genuinely be described as
revolutionary.

The linguistic consequences of evolving a medium in which the
whole world participates - at least in principle, once their countries'
infrastructure and internal economy allow them to gain access -
are also bound to be far-reaching. We must not overstate the global
nature of the Internet: it is still largely in the hands of the better-off
citizens of the developed countries. But it is the principle which
matters. What happens, linguistically, when the members of the
human race use a technology enabling any of them to be in routine
contact with anyone else? There has been much talk of the notion
of a 'global village', which is at first sight a persuasive metaphor. Yet
such a concept raises all kinds of linguistic questions. A village is a
close-knit community, traditionally identified by a local dialect or



6 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

language which distinguishes its members from those elsewhere:
'That's not how we say things round here.' If there is to be a genuine
global village, 7 then we need to ask 'What is its dialect?', 'What are
the shared features of language which give the world community of
users their sense of identity?' And, if we cannot discern any unify-
ing dialect or language, or a trend towards such a unity, we need to
ask ourselves if this 'global village' is anything more than a media
fiction. Similar questions might be asked of related notions, such
as 'digital citizens', 'the virtual community', and the 'Net genera-
tion'. The linguistic perspective is a critical part of this debate. As
Derek Foster puts it, reflecting on the notion of a virtual commu-
nity, 'the fullest understanding of the term is gained by grounding
it in the communicative act itself'. 8 So the second task is to investi-
gate whether the Internet is emerging as a homogenous linguistic
medium, whether it is a collection of distinct dialects, reflecting the
different backgrounds, needs, purposes, and attitudes of its users,
or whether it is an aggregation of trends and idiosyncratic usages
which as yet defy classification.



Internet situations

In a setting where linguistic differences are likely to loom large, the
concept of a language variety will be helpful. A variety of language
is a system of linguistic expression whose use is governed by situ-
ational factors. 9 In its broadest sense, the notion includes speech
and writing, regional and class dialects, occupational genres (such
as legal and scientific language), creative linguistic expression (as

7 McLuhan (1962: 31), and elsewhere.

8 Foster (1996: 35).

9 Within linguistics, several terms have been used, over the years, for talking about language
which varies according to situation, such as speech community, register, genre, text, and
discourse type, each of which operates in its own theoretical frame of reference (see
Crystal and Davy, 1969). As Internet linguistics develops, more sophisticated models will
be needed to capture all elements of the variation found. For the present book, which
is only a 'first approximation', I have avoided a more complex terminological system,
and used the term variety without further qualification for all kinds of situationally
influenced language. I also sometimes refer to genres within a variety. Within the Internet
literature, terminology also varies a great deal when discussing the different kinds of
Internet situation, such as environment, interactive setting, and virtual space.



A linguistic perspective 7

in literature), and a wide range of other styles of expression. Vari-
eties are, in principle, systematic and predictable. It is possible to
say, with some degree of certainty in a given language, how people
from a particular region will speak, how lawyers will write, or how
television commentators will present a type of sport. Notions such
as 'British English' or 'Liverpool English', 'legal French', and 'sports
commentary' are the result. To change an important element in
any situation is to motivate a change in the language people use
there, if they wish to behave conventionally - whether the change
is from one region to another, from law court to the street, from
home to pub, from one listener to many, or from face-to-face to
distant conversation. Sometimes the features of a variety are highly
constrained by the situation: there are strict rules governing the
kind of language we may use in court, for example, and if we break
them we are likely to be criticized or even charged with contempt.
In other situations there may be an element of choice in what we
say or write, as when we choose to adopt a formal or an informal
tone in an after-dinner speech, or a combination of the two. But
all language-using situations present us with constraints which we
must be aware of and must obey if our contribution is to be judged
acceptable. Factors such as politeness, interest, and intelligibility
govern what we dare to introduce into an after-dinner speech, and
such criteria apply in all situations. 'Anything goes' is never an
option - or, at least, if people do decide to speak or write without
paying any attention to the sociolinguistic expectations and mores
of their interlocutors, and of the community as a whole, they must
expect to be judged accordingly 10

The distinctive features of a language variety are of several kinds.
Many stylistic approaches recognize five main types, for written
language. 11

• graphic features: the general presentation and organization
of the written language, defined in terms of such factors as



10



Allowances can sometimes be made - as with some kinds of psychiatric disturbance and
linguistic pathology, or the utterances of very young children.
11 For the application of a model of this kind to several varieties of English, see Crystal and
Davy (1969).



8 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

distinctive typography, page design, spacing, use of illus-
trations, and colour; for example, the variety of newspaper
English would be chiefly identified at this level through the
use of such notions as headlines, columns, and captions.

• orthographic (or graphological) features: the writing system
of an individual language, defined in terms of such factors as
distinctive use of the alphabet, capital letters, spelling, punc-
tuation, and ways of expressing emphasis (italics, boldface,
etc.); for example, American and British English are distin-
guished by many spelling differences (e.g. colour vs. color),
and advertising English allows spelling modifications that
would be excluded from most other varieties (e.g. Beanz
Meanz Heinz).

• grammatical features: the many possibilities of syntax and
morphology, defined in terms of such factors as the distinctive
use of sentence structure, word order, and word inflections;
for example, religious English makes use of an unusual
vocative construction (O God, who knows. . .) and allows a
second-person singular set of pronouns (thou, thee, thine).

• lexical features: the vocabulary of a language, defined in terms
of the set of words and idioms given distinctive use within a
variety; for example, legal English employs such expressions
as heretofore, easement, and alleged, as well as such phrases as
signed sealed and delivered and Latin expressions such as ex
post facto.

• discourse features: the structural organization of a text,
defined in terms of such factors as coherence, relevance,
paragraph structure, and the logical progression of ideas;
for example, a journal paper within scientific English ty-
pically consists of a fixed sequence of sections including the
abstract, introduction, methodology, results, discussion, and
conclusion.

'Whatever else Internet culture maybe, it is still largely a text-based
affair.' 12 Spoken language currently has only a limited presence on

12 Wilbur (1996: 6).



A linguistic perspective 9

the Internet, through the use of sound clips, films, and video; but the
use of speech will undoubtedly grow as technology develops, and
it will not be long before we see the routine use of interactive voice
(and video) dialogues, speech synthesis to provide a spoken repre-
sentation of what is on a screen or to give vocal support to a graphic
presentation, and automatic speech recognition to enable users to
interact verbally with sites (see further, chapter 8). In addition to
the above five types, therefore, we need to recognize two more:

• phonetic features: the general auditory characteristics of spo-
ken language, defined in terms of such factors as the distinc-
tive use of voice quality, vocal register (e.g. tenor vs. bass), and
voice modality (e.g. speaking, singing, chanting); for exam-
ple, in TV commentary, different sports make use of different
vocal norms (e.g. the loud enthusiastic crescendos of football
vs. the hushed monastic tones of snooker).

• phonological features: the sound system of an individual lan-
guage, defined in terms of such factors as the distinctive use
of vowels, consonants, intonation, stress, and pause; for ex-
ample, regional accents are defined by the way they make
different use of sounds, and distinctive pronunciation is also
a notable feature of such varieties as newsreading, preaching,
and television advertising.

Grammatical, lexical, and discourse features of course play a dis-
tinctive role in all spoken varieties of a language, as they do in
the written. A television commentary is not distinctive solely in its
pronunciation, but in its use of grammar, vocabulary, and general
organization as well.

So the initial question for the person interested in Internet lin-
guistics to ask is: is the Net a homogenous language-using electro-
nic situation, likely to generate a single variety of language, defined
using such variables as those listed above? Will all users of the In-
ternet present themselves, through their messages, contributions,
and pages, with the same kind of graphic, orthographic, grammat-
ical, lexical, and discourse features? To answer these questions we
need first to establish how many different situations the Internet



10 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

contains. We then need to describe the salient linguistic features of
each situation, and to identify variations in the way they are used.
This will help us talk more precisely about the strategies that people
employ and the linguistic attitudes they hold, and thus enable us
to begin evaluating their beliefs and concerns about Internet lan-
guage. Some of these situations are easy to identify, because they
have been around a relatively long time and have begun to settle
down. Some are still in their infancy, with their situational status
totally bound up with emerging technology, and therefore subject
to rapid change: an example is the linking of the Internet to mobile
phone technology, where the small screen size immediately moti-
vated a fresh range of linguistic expression (see p. 228). Given the
speed of technological change, doubtless new situational variables
will emerge which will make any attempt at classification quickly
outdated. But, as of the beginning of 2001, it is possible to identify
five broad Internet-using situations which are sufficiently different
to mean that the language they contain is likely to be significantly
distinctive.



Electronic mail (e-mail)

E-mail is the use of computer systems to transfer messages between
users - now chiefly used to refer to messages sent between private
mailboxes (as opposed to those posted to a chatgroup). Although it
takes up only a relatively small domain of Internet 'space', by com-
parison with the billions of pages on the World Wide Web, it far
exceeds the Web in terms of the number of daily individual trans-
actions made. As John Naughton says, 'The Net was built on elec-
tronic mail It's the oil which lubricates the system.' 13 Today, for

example, I called up pages on the Web three times but sent twenty
e-mails. My contacts included family, friends, and colleagues, as
well as a range of new and long-standing business associates. My
incoming e-mails included several of these, along with a sporadic
sampling of 'junk' mail from organizations that had got hold of

13 Naughton (1999: 150).



A linguistic perspective 11

my e-address, some of which had attachments that were indistin-
guishable from a Web page in their linguistic character. Many of
the messages, incoming and outgoing, varied greatly in length and
style. The diversity of e-mail contexts is immediately apparent. So
here, too, the chief issue must be to determine the linguistic coher-
ence of the situation. Do the requirements of immediate and rapid
e-messaging promote the use of certain linguistic features which
transcend its many variations in audience and purpose? Indeed,
can we generalize about the language of e-mail at all? This question
is addressed in chapter 4.



Chatgroups

Chatgroups are continuous discussions on a particular topic, or-
ganized in 'rooms' at particular Internet sites, in which computer
users interested in the topic can participate. There are two situa-
tions here, depending on whether the interaction takes place in real
time (synchronous) or in postponed time (asynchronous).

• In a synchronous situation, a user enters a chat room and
joins an ongoing conversation in real time, sending named
contributions which are inserted into a permanently scrolling
screen along with the contributions from other participants.
Internet Relay Chat (IRC) is an example of one of the main
systems available to users, consisting of thousands of rooms
dealing with different topics. Although most people enter just
one room at a time, there is nothing to stop them opening
more than one chat window and engaging in two or more
conversations simultaneously, if they have the requisite cog-
nitive and linguistic skills.

• In an asynchronous situation, the interactions are stored in
some format, and made available to users upon demand, so
that they can catch up with the discussion, or add to it, at any
time - even after an appreciable period has passed. The
bulletin boards, a popular feature of 1980s computer-
mediated communication, are one example. The thousands



12 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

of newsgroups on Usenet, covering a vast number of topics,
provide another. Another is the mailing list, such as LIST-
SERV®, to which users subscribe, knowing that all messages
sent in to the list will reach everyone on that list.

Some chatgroups are global, receiving contributions from any geo-
graphical location; some are local, restricted to a particular country
or region. Some are moderated, in the hands of an owner or ed-
itor; others are uncontrolled, other than by internal forces (see
p. 146). Although the chatgroup situation would seem, at first
sight, to promote the use of a highly distinctive and consistent lan-
guage variety, the different factors involved - especially the factor of
synchronicity - make it likely that it will contain significant
diversity. This question is addressed in chapter 5.



Virtual worlds

Virtual worlds are imaginary environments which people can enter
to engage in text-based fantasy social interaction. From the early no-
tion of a MUD (originally 'multi-user dungeon', a derivation from
the 1970s role-playing adventure game 'Dungeons and Dragons'),
several adventure genres developed, offering players the opportu-
nity to experience imaginary and vividly described environments
in which they adopt new identities, explore fantasy worlds, engage
in novel exploits, and use their guises to interact with other par-
ticipants. Many MUDs, while reliant on the use of a shared virtual
space and role-playing identities, move away from the creation of
adventure worlds - for example, constructing worlds within educa-
tion or business contexts, or using them for elaborate chat sessions.
As a result, the acronym is also glossed as 'multi-user domain' or
'multi-user dimension'. Later technological developments enabled
multimedia elements to be added to this genre, sound and video
functions supplementing or replacing text to enable participants to
take up an on-screen visual presence as avatars (a term from Hindu
mythology, referring to an incarnation of a deity in earthly form) in



A linguistic perspective 13

what some commentators have called metaworlds. 14 A range of sub-
genres, with differing emphases, technical options, and of course
acronym-like names, now exists, such as MOOs (MUD, Object-
Orientated), MUSHes, MUCKs, MUSEs, and TinyMUDs (p. 173).
The linguistic possibilities, in such imagination-governed worlds,
are plainly immense, but - as with all games - there need to be
constraints guiding the play, without which the interactions would
be chaotic. These will be addressed in chapter 6.

World Wide Web (WWW)

The World Wide Web is the full collection of all the computers
linked to the Internet which hold documents that are mutually
accessible through the use of a standard protocol (the HyperText
Transfer Protocol, or HTTP), 15 usually abbreviated to Web or
W3 and, in site addresses, presented as the acronym www. The
creator of the Web, computer scientist Tim Berners-Lee, has
defined it as 'the universe of network-accessible information, an
embodiment of human knowledge'. 16 It was devised in 1990 as a
means of enabling high-energy physicists in different institutions
to share information within their field, but it rapidly spread
to other fields, and is now all-inclusive in subject-matter, and
designed for multimedia interaction between computer users
anywhere in the world. Its many functions include encyclopedic
reference, archiving, cataloguing, 'Yellow Pages' listing, advertis-
ing, self-publishing, games, news reporting, creative writing, and
commercial transactions of all kinds, with movies and other types
of entertainment becoming increasingly available. With such an
enormous range of topic and purpose, the chief linguistic issues



For example, Wallace (1999: 8).

A protocol is a set of rules which enables computers to communicate with each other or

other devices; the Transmission Control Protocol / Internet Protocol, TCI/IP, was made

the Internet standard in 1985; Wired Style calls it 'the mother tongue of the Internet'

(Hale and Scanlon, 1999: 159).

Berners-Lee (1999). It should be evident that the popular practice of using the terms

Internet and Web interchangeably is very misleading. The Web is one of several Internet

situations.



14 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

here must be whether the Web can be said to have any coherence,
as a linguistic variety, and whether it is possible to make useful or
valid generalizations about its use of language at all. This question
is addressed in chapter 7.

These five situations are not entirely mutually exclusive. It is pos-
sible to find sites in which all elements are combined, or where
one situation is used within another. For example, many Web sites
contain discussion groups and e-mail links; e-mails often contain
Web attachments; and some MUDs include asynchronous chat-
groups and permit participants to contact each other via e-mail.
The Internet world is an extremely fluid one, with users exploring
its possibilities of expression, introducing fresh combinations of
elements, and reacting to technological developments. It seems to
be in a permanent state of transition, lacking precedent, struggling
for standards, and searching for direction. About the only thing that
is clear is that people are unclear about what is going to happen. As
John Naughton puts it, at the end of his book, A brief history of the
future, 'The openness of the Net also applies to its future. The pro-
tocols which govern it leave the course of its evolution open.' 17 For
example, it is likely that my five situations will need to be supple-
mented very soon by a sixth, as interactive voice dialogue becomes
increasingly available, and conversationalists make decisions about
what kind of spoken language to use to exploit the new medium.
But there is no way of predicting whether this new language-using
situation will make use of old conversational norms or invent
fresh stylistic techniques to facilitate interaction, or what partic-
ular combination of new and old will prove to be most effective.
This will doubtless add an extra chapter to some later edition of this
book.

For each of the five situations outlined above, it is evident that
people are still getting to grips with the communicative poten-
tial made available to them. They are in a learning situation of a
rather special kind. They are having to acquire the rules (of how

17 Naughton (1999: 271).



A linguistic perspective 15

to communicate via e-mail, of how to talk in chatgroups, of how
to construct an effective Web page, of how to socialize in fantasy
roles), and yet there are no rules, in the sense of universally agreed
modes of behaviour established by generations of usage. There is
a clear contrast with the world of paper-based communication.
Letter- writing, for instance, is routinely taught in school; and be-
cause there is widespread agreement on how letters are to be writ-
ten, supported by the recommendations of usage manuals, we feel
secure in that knowledge. We know such conventions as how to use
opening and closing formulae (Dear Sir/Madam, Yours faithfully),
where to put the address and date, and how to break up the text
into paragraphs. Adults make use of this knowledge almost without
thinking, and on occasion, as in informal letter-writing, they dare
to break the rules with confidence. But with the Internet equiva-
lent of letter- writing - e-mails - there is no such long tradition.
Most people have been using e-mails for less than a decade, and
they are unaware of the factors which have to be respected if their
messages are not to be misunderstood. Often, the first indication
that they have misconstructed a message comes when they receive
an unpalatable response from the recipient.

Nobody knows all the communicative problems which lurk
within e-discourses of all five kinds. Recommendations about ap-
proach and style are only beginning to be formulated, and many
are tentative (see chapter 2). Market research companies are in-
vesting a great deal to discover how people react to different Web
page configurations. Psychologists are beginning to probe the kinds
of problem which affect individuals who engage in unconstrained
fantasy play. There is an enormous amount of idiosyncrasy and
variation seen in e-encounters. At the same time, the detailed stud-
ies which have taken place have begun to identify levels of shared
usage within individual e-situations. Lynn Cherny, for example,
having studied the language found in one kind of MUD (ElseMOO,
p. 174), concludes that 'the linguistic interactions in ElseMOO
are most amenable to description in terms of register', and Boyd
Davis and Jeutonne Brewer, in their study of a chatgroup, although
initially tentative, conclude that it 'may come to be seen as a



16 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

register ... [an] emergent register'. 18 Certainly the participants
themselves seem to be aware that their language is distinctive.
Cherny in fact reports an attempt by ElseMOO in 1994 to doc-
ument its distinctive language. 19 Although it did not get very far -
being criticized by some members as going against the 'insider'
ethos of the community - the argument suggests some clear intu-
itions about the status of its usage as a variety.

The language of Internet users is plainly in a state of transition.
As Patricia Wallace puts it, in her discussion of the false impressions
Net participants gain about each other during encounters: 'On the
Internet we are struggling with a very odd set of tools and pushing
them as hard as we can. Homo sapiens are both set in their ways
and amazingly adaptable, and right now, all of us are learning some
painful and awkward lessons about impression formation online.'
And she adds: T look forward to the time when the kinds of "in-
teraction rituals" that Goffman described will stabilize on the net
and the business of forming impressions will be more predictable,
reliable, and familiar, and much less prone to those hazardous
misperceptions.' 20 The need for greater predictability, reliability,
and familiarity is something which affects all Internet situations,
and also the language which is found there. It is a world where
individuals have tried to solve the problem of an electronically
constrained communications medium (see chapter 2) in countless
idiosyncratic ways. It is also a world where many of the partici-
pants are highly motivated individualists, intent on exploring the
potential of a new medium, knowledgeable about its procedures,
and holding firm views about the way it should be used. The most
informed of this population are routinely referred to as geeks —
defined by Wired Style, an influential Internet manual, as 'someone
who codes for fun, speaks Unix among friends, and reads Slashdot
daily'. 21 We might expect a great deal of linguistic innovation and

18 Cherny (1999: 27), Davis and Brewer (1997: 28-9, 157).

19 Cherny (1999: 85). She introduces the relevant chapter with an epigraph from a character
called Damon, who says, 'anyone who doesn't think we speak some strange separate dialect
has been smoking crack'.

20 Wallace (1999: 36); see, also, Goffman (1959).

21 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 88). Slashdot is a Website created in 1997 to provide 'News



A linguistic perspective 17

ingenuity in their usage, accordingly. At the same time, everyone
is aware that too much idiosyncrasy causes problems of intelli-
gibility Also, the pressure towards conformity is strong in those
participatory activities to which the label 'community' has often
been applied. As one contributor to a discussion about aggressive
language (flaming, p. 55) said: 'You and I can talk any way we
want on Internet; the question is what kind of conversation are we
looking for.' 22 So, what kind of conversations are there, online, and
how does one participate in them? Do we have to learn a new kind
of language - 'Netspeak', as I shall call it - in order to be a netizen?



Netspeak

The term 'Netspeak' is an alternative to 'Netlish', 'Weblish', 'Internet
language', 'cyberspeak', 'electronic discourse', 'electronic language',
'interactive written discourse', 'computer-mediated communica-
tion' (CMC), and other more cumbersome locutions. Each term
has a different implication: 'Netlish', for example, is plainly derived
from 'English', and is of decreasing usefulness as the Net becomes
more multilingual (p. 216); 'electronic discourse' emphasizes the
interactive and dialogue elements; 'CMC focuses on the medium
itself. It is perhaps unsurprising to see 'Netspeak', as a term, being
given some popular currency - following the Orwellian introduc-
tion of Newspeak and Oldspeak in 1984, later developments such
as Doublespeak and Seaspeak, and media labels such as Royalspeak
and Blairspeak. From the perspective of this book, it is broader
than Webspeak, which has also had some use. As a name, Netspeak
is succinct, and functional enough, as long as we remember that
'speak' here involves writing as well as talking, and that any 'speak'



for Nerds. Stuff that Matters': <http://www.slashdot.com>. If you have just learned
something from this footnote, you are not a geek.
22 Millard ( 1996: 154-5). Other references which focus on the linguistic identity of various
e-situations include: Ferrara, Brunner, and Whittemore (1991), Baym (1993), Maynor
(1994), Collot and Belmore (1996), and Baron (1998b). The notion of 'virtual speech
community' is encountered in various forms, such as 'discourse community' (Gurak,
1997).



18 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

suffix also has a receptive element, including 'listening and reading'.
The first of these points hardly seems worth the reminder, given
that the Internet is so clearly a predominantly written medium (for
its spoken dimension, see chapter 8), and yet, as we shall see, the
question of how speech is related to writing is at the heart of the
matter. But the second point is sometimes ignored, so its acknowl-
edgement is salutary. On the Internet, as with traditional 23 speaking
and writing, the language that individuals produce is far exceeded
by the language they receive; and as the Internet is a medium almost
entirely dependent on reactions to written messages, awareness of
audience must hold a primary place in any discussion. The core
feature of the Internet is its real or potential interactivity.

There is a widely held intuition that some sort of Netspeak
exists - a type of language displaying features that are unique to
the Internet, and encountered in all the above situations, arising
out of its character as a medium which is electronic, global, and
interactive. The linguistic basis for this intuition is examined in
detail in chapters 2 and 3; but the fact that people are conscious of
something 'out there' is demonstrated by the way other varieties
of language are being affected by it. It is always a sure sign that
a new variety has 'arrived' when people in other linguistic situa-
tions start alluding to it. For example, a comic courtroom sketch
on television will borrow freely from legal language, assuming that
viewers will recognize the linguistic allusions; and individuals can
introduce references to legal language into their speech even if they
have never been inside a courtroom in their lives - 'the tooth, the
whole tooth, and nothing but the tooth' was one particularly bad
dental pun I encountered recently. It is therefore of considerable



23



The terms 'traditional' and 'conventional' are often used to refer to non-electronically
mediated linguistic communication - old-style speech and writing - but there is no stan-
dard usage. More generally, there is no standard terminology for the distinction between
the electronic and non-electronic worlds - though commonly used is the opposition
VR (Virtual reality') and RL ('real life') or the adverbial IRL ('in real life'), the 'physical
world', and other such locutions. Ihnatko ( 1997: 160) defines 'real world' as 'That which
cannot be accessed via a keyboard. A nice place to visit, a good place to swing by when
you're out of Coke, but you wouldn't want to live there.'



A linguistic perspective 19

interest to note the way in which salient features of Netspeak, taken
from one or other of its situational manifestations, have already
begun to be used outside of the situation of computer-mediated
communication, even though the medium has become available
to most people only in the past decade or so. The influence is
mainly on vocabulary, with graphology affected in some written
varieties. 24

In everyday conversation, terms from the underlying computer
technology are given a new application among people who want
their talk to have a cool cutting-edge. Examples from recent over-
heard conversations include:

It's my turn to download now (i.e. I've heard all your gossip, now

hear mine)
I need more bandwidth to handle that point (i.e. I can't take it all

in at once)
She's multitasking (said of someone doing two things at once)
Let's go offline for a few minutes (i.e. let's talk in private)
Give me a brain dump on that (i.e. tell me all you know)
I'll ping you later (i.e. get in touch to see if you're around)
He's 404 (i.e. he's not around; see p. 82)
He started flaming me for no reason at all (i.e. shouting at me; see

p. 55)
That's an alt.dot way of looking at things (i.e. a cool way; see

p. 83)
Are you wired? (i.e. ready to handle this)
Get with the programme (i.e. keep up)

I got a pile of spam in the post today (i.e. junk-mail; see p. 53)
He's living in hypertext (i.e. he's got a lot to hide; see p. 202)
E you later (said as a farewell)

Programmers have long needed special vocabulary to talk about
their lines of code, and some of this has now spilled over into

24 An interesting influence occurs in those languages, such as Spanish and Portuguese, which
lack the letter w, and where the existence of WWW in effect adds an extra letter to their al-
phabet. The influence of English on the vocabulary of other languages is also growing, such
as hack and scroll (as verbs in Dutch), scrollare and deletare (Italian), debugear and lockear
(Spanish).



20 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

everyday speech, especially to handle the punctuation present in
an electronic address. For example, radio and television presenters
commonly add e-addresses when telling listeners and viewers how
they might write in to a programme, using at, dot, and forward
slash to punctuate their utterance. Dot com is now a commonly
heard phrase, as well as appearing ubiquitously in writing in all
kinds of advertising and promotional material.

In fact, written English shows developments well beyond the
stage of the literal use of .com. This suffix is one of several do-
main names (with some US/UK variation) showing what kind of
organization an electronic address belongs to: 25 .com (commer-
cial), .edu or .ac (educational), .gov (governmental), .mil (mili-
tary) , . net (network organizations) , and . orgor . co (everything else) .
Dotcom has come to be used as a general adjective (with or without
the period, and sometimes hyphenated), as in dotcom organizations
and dotcom crisis. It has, however, come to be used in a variety of
ludic ways, especially in those varieties where language play is a
dominant motif - newspaper headlines and advertising. 26 It has
been expanded into other words: a computer hardware store ad-
vertises itself as SHOPNAME.computer. Similarly, wwwbecame web
without worry in a British Telecom advertising campaign. The sim-
ilarity of com to come has been noticed, and doubtless there are
similar links made in other languages. An offer to win a car on the
Internet is headed .com and get it. A headline in the Independent
Graduate on openings still available on the Web is headed: Dotcom
all ye faithful. A phonetic similarity motivated a food-outlet adver-
tisement: lunch@Boots.yum. The 'dot' element is now introduced
into all kinds of phrases: Learnhow.to and launch. anything, are
names of sites. The phrase un. complicated introduced an ad for
personal finance. One company uses the slogan Get around the
www.orld; another has the slogan www.alk this way.

25 As of 2000. Other domain names are under consideration, such as .rec and .shop, allocated
by such organizations as Network Solutions in the USA until 2000 and Nominet in the UK;
the US role was taken over by Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers,
established in 1998.

26 Crystal (1998). Interestingly, when dot.com is written with a period, as here, the punctu-
ation mark is never spoken aloud: we do not say 'dot dot com'.



A linguistic perspective 21

A similar ludic trend applies to the symbol @, now the universal
link between recipient and address. It was chosen pragmatically
by a computer engineer, Ray Tomlinson, who sent the first net-
work e-mail in 1972. He needed a character which did not occur
in names, and this typewriter keyboard symbol stood out, with
the bonus of having an appropriate meaning (of someone being
'at' somewhere). 27 A subsequent irony is that many firms and or-
ganizations have replaced the letter a or at in their name by an
@: @llgood, @tractions, @cafe, @Home, @pex. And it has been seen
turning up in other settings where traditionally the word at would
be used: This is where it's @ is one slogan; Bill Gates' 1999 book
is called Business @ the speed of thought, and an academic article
concludes a review of the interaction between literary and everyday
language through the device language @ literature and literature @
language. 28 It has even been added to text where the word at would
not normally appear - a postcard to my house read: Crystals @ . . .
followed by the address.

By now the e-prefix must have been used in hundreds of ex-
pressions. The Oxford dictionary of new words (1997) 29 had already
noted e-text, e-zine, e-cash, and e-money, and in 1998 the Amer-
ican Dialect Society named e- 'Word [sic] of the Year' as well as
'Most Useful and Most Likely to Succeed'. Examples since noted
include e- tailing and e-tailers ['retailing on the Internet'], e-lance
['electronic free-lance'] and e-lancers, e-therapy and e-therapists,
e-management and e-managers, e-government, e-bandwagon,
e-books, e- conferences, e-voting, e-loan, e-newsletters, e-security,
e-cards, e-pinions, e-shop, e-list, e-rage, e-crap, and (Spanish)
e-mocidn. Awareness of the form, though in the reverse direction,
appeared on the side of a London taxi: Watrloo No Problm — glossed
beneath by no -e. anything. A bookmaker developing a Net presence
called the firm e-we go. Journalistic headlines and captions often



27 Though some languages have borrowed the English word 'at' for this symbol, several have
their own name for it: for example, @ is a 'snail' in Italian, a 'little mouse' in Chinese, an
'elephant's trunk' in Swedish, a 'worm' in Hungarian, and a 'spider monkey' in German.

28 Crystal (1999).

29 Knowles (1997).



22 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

play with terms in search of eye-catching effects, so it is not surpris-
ing to find e-motivated lexical formations in specialist newspapers
and magazines, as well as in the general press. Examples include:

MAJOR BREAKTHROUGH IN SEARCHITIS
STOP INTERNET CLICKTOSIS
Dealing with the dot.com Brain Drain

The Geekicon (headline of an Economist review of a computer
dictionary)

How many of these developments will become a permanent fea-
ture of the language it is impossible to say. We can never predict
language change, only recognize it once it has happened. There
are already signs of a reaction against some of the above usages.
The authors of Wired Style, for example, beg, in relation to the
use of e-\ 'Please, resist the urge to use this vowel-as-cliche', cit-
ing such 'too-facile coinages' as e-lapse, e-merge, and e-quip. 30 A
Silicon Valley company, Persistence Software, is reported to have
established The Society for the Preservation of the Other 25 Letters
of the Alphabet, in order to campaign against the proliferation
of e-words. There have been similar complaints about the use of
dot.com in advertising. A United States company-names special-
ist, Neil Cohen, is quoted as saying (in mid-2000), 'Using "e", "i",
and ".com" will make the company seem like a dinosaur even five
years from now.' 31 But this only makes the general hypothesis more
compelling, that a notion of Netspeak has begun to evolve which
is rapidly becoming a part of popular linguistic consciousness, and
evoking strong language attitudes. The next step, accordingly, is
to determine what its chief linguistic properties are. If Netspeak
exists, the above examples will prove to be pointing to the tip of a
large iceberg. Moreover, there will prove to be more fundamental
linguistic strategies at work than these anecdotal illustrations sug-
gest. If, then, people are worried about the effect of the Internet



30 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 76).

31 In Language International, 12 (4), August 2000, 48. See also Koizumi (2000), who reports
that in 1999 the Japanese Patent Bureau accepted 50 names starting with i- (prompted
by such names as iMac and ipaq) and 190 with e-.



A linguistic perspective 23

on language in general and on their own language in particular -
as the quotations at the beginning of this chapter suggest - a first
step is to explore Netspeak in its various situational manifestations
to see what actually happens there. As John Paolillo puts it, in his
introduction to a paper on the virtual speech community: 32 'If we
are to understand truly how the Internet might shape our language,
then it is essential that we seek to understand how different varieties
of language are used on the Internet.' Chapters 4-7, accordingly,
investigate the kind of language used in each of the five situations
described above. But all five have certain linguistic properties in
common, and these form the subject-matter of chapters 2 and 3.

32 Paolillo (1999).



The medium ofNetspeak



The Internet is an electronic, global, and interactive medium, and
each of these properties has consequences for the kind of lan-
guage found there. The most fundamental influence arises out of
the electronic character of the channel. Most obviously, a user's
communicative options are constrained by the nature of the hard-
ware needed in order to gain Internet access. Thus, a set of char-
acters on a keyboard determines productive linguistic capacity
(the type of information that can be sent); and the size and con-
figuration of the screen determines receptive linguistic capacity
(the type of information that can be seen). Both sender and re-
ceiver are additionally constrained linguistically by the proper-
ties of the Internet software and hardware linking them. There
are, accordingly, certain traditional linguistic activities that this
medium can facilitate very well, and others that it cannot han-
dle at all. There are also certain linguistic activities which an
electronic medium allows that no other medium can achieve.
How do users respond to these new pressures, and compensate
linguistically?

It is important to know what the various limitations and facili-
tations are. A well-established axiom of communication states that
users should know the strengths as well as the restrictions of their
chosen medium, in relation to the uses they subject it to and the
purposes they have in mind. People have strong expectations of
the Internet, and established users evidently have strong feelings
about how it should be used to achieve its purposes. However, it is
not a straightforward relationship. The evolution ofNetspeak illus-
trates a real tension which exists between the nature of the medium
and the aims and expectations of its users. The heart of the matter
seems to be its relationship to spoken and written language. Several

24



The medium ofNetspeak 25

writers have called Internet language 'written speech'; 1 and Wired
Style advises: 'Write the way people talk.' 2 The authors of a detailed
study of an asynchronous chatgroup, Davis and Brewer, say that
'electronic discourse is writing that very often reads as if it were
being spoken - that is, as if the sender were writing talking'. 3 But
to what extent is it possible to 'write speech', given a keyboard re-
stricted to the letters of the alphabet, numerals, and a sprinkling of
other symbols, and a medium which - as we shall see - disallows
some critical features of conversational speech? 4 Moreover, as the
world is composed of many different types of people who talk in
many different ways, what kind of speech is it, exactly, that the new
style guides want us to be writing down? The language of geeks
(p. 16) has had a strong influence on Netspeak hitherto, its jargon
appealing to a relatively young and computer-literate population.
But what will happen to Netspeak as the user-base broadens, and
people with a wider range of language preferences come online?
'Write the way people talk' sounds sensible enough, until we have
to answer the question: which people?

Before we can answer these questions, we need to be clear about
the nature of spoken and written language, and of the factors which
differentiate them - factors which have received a great deal of
attention in linguistics. Table 2.1 is a summary of the chief dif-
ferences, derived from one general source, The Cambridge ency-
lopedia of the English language. 5 Speech is typically time-bound,



For example, Elmer-Dewitt (1994).

In full: Wired style: principles of English usage in the digital age (Hale and Scanlon, 1999).
The quotation is part of Principle 5: 'Capture the colloquial' (see p. 75 below).
Davis and Brewer (1997: 2). Ferrara, Brunner, and Whittemore (1991) talk of 'interactive
written discourse', and similar locutions can be found, such as 'textual conversation' and
'electronic dialogue'.

The reduced communicative system has been called 'metacommunicative minimalism'
by Millard (1996: 147).

Crystal (1995: 291). Other characteristics of speech and writing have been noted, rec-
ognizing the differentiating role of more specific linguistic features, such as personal
pronouns and formulaic expression. The word 'typically' is crucial: it has long been
known that there is no absolute difference between spoken and written language (Crystal
and Davy, 1969); even the notion of a continuum is an oversimplification of the way
the variables intertwine (Biber, 1988; and see also the use of this model by Collot and
Belmore, 1996). But it proves illuminating, nonetheless, to set typical features in contrast,
as a heuristic.



26



LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET



Table 2.1. Differences between speech and writing
(after Crystal, 1995)



Speech



Writing



1. Speech is time-bound, dynamic,
transient. It is part of an
interaction in which both
participants are usually present,
and the speaker has a particular
addressee (or several addressees)
in mind.

2. There is no time-lag between
production and reception, unless
one is deliberately introduced by
the recipient (and thus, is
available for further reaction on
the part of the speaker). The
spontaneity and speed of most
speech exchanges make it difficult
to engage in complex advance
planning. The pressure to think
while talking promotes looser
construction, repetition,
rephrasing, and comment clauses
(e.g. you know, you see, mind
you). Intonation and pause divide
long utterances into manageable
chunks, but sentence boundaries
are often unclear.

3. Because participants are typically
in face-to-face interaction, they
can rely on such extralinguistic
cues as facial expression and
gesture to aid meaning
(feedback). The lexicon of speech
is often characteristically vague,
using words which refer directly
to the situation (deictic
expressions, such as that one, in
here, right now).



Writing is space-bound, static,
permanent. It is the result of a
situation in which the writer is
usually distant from the
reader, and often does not
know who the reader is going
to be (except in a very vague
sense, as in poetry).

There is always a time-lag
between production and
reception. Writers must
anticipate its effects, as well as
the problems posed by having
their language read and
interpreted by many recipients
in diverse settings. Writing
allows repeated reading and
close analysis, and promotes
the development of careful
organization and compact
expression, with often
intricate sentence structure.
Units of discourse (sentences,
paragraphs) are usually easy to
identify through punctuation
and layout.

Lack of visual contact means
that participants cannot rely
on context to make their
meaning clear; nor is there any
immediate feedback. Most
writing therefore avoids the
use of deictic expressions,
which are likely to be
ambiguous.



The medium ofNetspeak
Table 2.1. (cont.)



27



Speech



Writing



4. Many words and constructions
are characteristic of (especially
informal) speech, such as
contracted forms (isn't, he's).
Lengthy co-ordinate sentences
are normal, and are often of
considerable complexity. There is
nonsense vocabulary (e.g.
thingamajig), obscenity, and
slang, some of which does not
appear in writing, or occurs only
as graphic euphemism (e.g. f***),

5. Speech is very suited to social or
'phatic' functions, such as passing
the time of day, or any situation
where casual and unplanned
discourse is desirable. It is also
good at expressing social
relationships, and personal
opinions and attitudes, due to the
vast range of nuances which can
be expressed by the prosody and
accompanying non-verbal
features.

6. There is an opportunity to
rethink an utterance while the
other person is listening (starting
again, adding a qualification).
However, errors, once spoken,
cannot be withdrawn; the speaker
must live with the consequences.
Interruptions and overlapping
speech are normal and highly
audible.



Some words and constructions
are characteristic of writing,
such as multiple instances
of subordination in the same
sentence, elaborately balanced
syntactic patterns, and the
long (often multi-page)
sentences found in some legal
documents. Certain items of
vocabulary are never spoken,
such as the longer names of
chemical compounds.

Writing is very suited to the
recording of facts and the
communication of ideas, and
to tasks of memory and
learning. Written records are
easier to keep and scan, tables
demonstrate relationships
between things, notes and lists
provide mnemonics, and text
can be read at speeds which
suit a person's ability to
learn.

Errors and other perceived
inadequacies in our writing
can be eliminated in later
drafts without the reader ever
knowing they were there.
Interruptions, if they have
occurred while writing, are
also invisible in the final
product.

(Continued)



28 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Table 2.1. (cont.)

Speech Writing

7. Unique features of speech include Unique features of writing
most of the prosody. The many include pages, lines,

nuances of intonation, as well as capitalization, spatial

contrasts of loudness, tempo, organization, and several

rhythm, pause, and other tones of aspects of punctuation. Only a
voice cannot be written down very few graphic conventions

with much efficiency. relate to prosody, such as

question marks and italics (for
emphasis). Several written
genres (e.g. timetables, graphs,
complex formulae) cannot be
read aloud efficiently, but have
to be assimilated visually.



spontaneous, face-to-face, socially interactive, loosely structured,
immediately revisable, and prosodically rich. Writing is typi-
cally space-bound, contrived, visually decontextualized, factually
communicative, elaborately structured, repeatedly revisable, and
graphically rich. How does Netspeak stand, with reference to these
characteristics?

Speech or writing?

What makes Netspeak so interesting, as a form of communica-
tion, is the way it relies on characteristics belonging to both sides
of the speech/writing divide. At one extreme is the Web, which in
many of its functions (e.g. databasing, reference publishing, archiv-
ing, advertising) is no different from traditional situations which
use writing; indeed, most varieties of written language can now
be found on the Web with little stylistic change other than an
adaptation to the electronic medium (see chapter 7). Legal, re-
ligious, literary, scientific, journalistic, and other texts will all be
found there, just as they would in their non-electronic form. Any
attempt to identify the stylistic distinctiveness of Web pages will



The medium ofNetspeak 29

need to deal with the same sort of visual and graphic matters as any
other variety of written expression. Here therefore we find a use of
language which displays the general properties of writing as de-
scribed in Table 2.1: for example, Web page-writers typically have
no idea who their readers are going to be, and in their guessing, tar-
geting, and feedback-requesting they display the same behaviour as
any paper-bound author or organization might. At the same time,
some of the Web's functions (e.g. e-sales) do bring it much closer to
the kind of interaction more typical of speech, with a consequen-
tial effect on the kind of language used, and many sites now have
interactive facilities attached, in the form of e-mail and chatgroup
facilities.

In contrast to the Web, the situations of e-mail, chatgroups, and
virtual worlds, though expressed through the medium of writ-
ing, display several of the core properties of speech. They are
time-governed, expecting or demanding an immediate response;
they are transient, in the sense that messages may be immediately
deleted (as in e-mails) or be lost to attention as they scroll off the
screen (as in chatgroups); and their utterances display much of the
urgency and energetic force which is characteristic of face-to-face
conversation. 6 The situations are not all equally 'spoken' in char-
acter. We 'write' e-mails, not 'speak' them. But chatgroups are for
'chat', and people certainly 'speak' to each other there - as do people
involved in virtual worlds. Player X 'says' something to player Y, as
in this sequence from one study: 7

Plate raises his hand and shouts . . .
Fork sighs loudly. . . .
Plate says 'Nope'

These are 'speech acts', in a literal sense. The whole thrust of the
metalanguage in these situations is spoken in character.

But there are several major differences between Netspeak and
face-to-face conversation, even in those electronic situations which

6 Face-to-face interaction is regularly abbreviated to f2f in Netspeak. It is also referred
to as facetime (i.e. time spent offline) or facemail (i.e. the process of talking f2f). Ihnatko
(1997: 69) defines /2/as 'Time spent physically standing in the room with someone and
talking with them. Most netters intend to try this out some time.'



30 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

are most speech-like. 8 The first is a function of the technology - the
lack of simultaneous feedback. Messages sent via a computer are
complete and unidirectional. When we send a message to someone,
we type it a keystroke at a time, but it does not arrive on that person's
screen a keystroke at a time - in the manner of the old teleprinters
(an exception is described on p. 201). The message does not leave
our computer until we 'send' it, and that means the whole of a mes-
sage is transmitted at once, and arrives on the recipient's screen at
once. There is no way that a recipient can react to our message while
it is being typed, for the obvious reason that recipients do not know
they are getting any messages at all until the text arrives on their
screens. 9 Correspondingly, there is no way for a participant to get
a sense of how successful a message is, while it is being written -
whether it has been understood, or whether it needs repair. There is
no technical way (currently: see chapter 8) of allowing the receiver
to send the electronic equivalent of a simultaneous nod, an uh-uh,
or any of the other audio-visual reactions which play such a criti-
cal role in face-to-face interaction. Messages cannot overlap. As a
result, recipients are committed to experiencing a waiting period
before the text appears - on their screen there is nothing, and then
there is something, an 'off-on' system which well suits the binary
computer world but which is far removed from the complex reali-
ties of everyday conversation. 10 The same circumstances apply even
in two-way protocols, such as the systems which split a screen to
allow the messages from two participants to be seen side-by-side;



The notion of a continuum between different types of communication is presented by
Baron (1984: 120; 2000: 22): emphasizing spatial and temporal factors, she identifies a
serial relationship between: face-to-face conversation - videophones/teleconferencing -
telephones - computers/word-processing - writing. Her approach rejects a dichotomous
view of 'speech vs. writing', arguing that spoken language often has some characteristics
of written language, and vice versa. No stylistician would deny this, while recognizing
that a presentation such as Table 2.1 nonetheless has expository usefulness.
This is an especial problem in an electronic conversation when one of the participants
wants to send a long message; as Marvin (1996: 6) notes, 'In face-to-face conversations, a
listener waits for an ending to a speaker's long statement, and stays alert for opportunities
to speak, perhaps inwardly thinking, "When will this person stop'." In typed conversations
of the MOOs [p. 174], a long statement requires a long wait on the part of the reader,
during which the reader wonders, "When will this person start?'"
Nonetheless, participants in chatgroups and virtual worlds interactions have become
adept at minimizing this problem: see chapters 5 and 6.



The medium ofNetspeak 3 1

it may appear from the layout as if such dialogues are providing
simultaneous feedback, but it is not really there, because of the
temporal delay

The second big difference between Netspeak and face-to-face
conversation also results from the technology: the rhythm of an
Internet interaction is very much slower than that found in a speech
situation, and disallows some of conversation's most salient prop-
erties. With e-mails and asynchronous chatgroups, a response to a
stimulus may take anything from seconds to months, the rhythm
of the exchange very much depending on such factors as the recip-
ient's computer (e.g. whether it announces the instant arrival of a
message), the user's personality and habits (e.g. whether messages
are replied to at regular times or randomly), and the circumstances
of the interlocutors (e.g. their computer access). The time-delay
(usually referred to as lag) is a central factor in many situations:
there is an inherent uncertainty in knowing the length of the gap
between the moment of posting a message and the moment of re-
ceiving a reaction. Because of lag, the rhythm of an interaction -
even in the fastest Netspeak encounters, in synchronous chatgroups
and virtual worlds - lacks the pace and predictability of that found
in telephonic or face-to-face conversation (see chapters 5 and 6).
Even if a participant types a reply immediately, there may be a de-
lay before that message reaches the other members' screens, due
to several factors, such as bandwidth processing problems, traffic
density on the host computer, or some problem in the sender's or
receiver's equipment. 11

All lags cause problems, but some are much worse than oth-
ers. A low lag is of the order of 2-3 seconds, a delay which most
participants tolerate - though even here some people find their
tolerances tested, for 2-3 seconds is significantly greater than that
found in most conversational exchanges. Anything over 5 seconds
will certainly generate frustration, often prompting people to make
remarks about the lag itself- references might be made to the 'lag

11 For a discussion of theoretical approaches to the effects of limited bandwidth on com-
munication, reducing the number of available cues, see Cherny (1999: 21).



32 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

monster' or to 'lag wars'. The frustration is on both sides of the
communication chain. From the sender's point of view, the right
moment to speak may be missed, as the point to which the in-
tended contribution related may have scrolled off the screen and
be fast receding from the group's communal memory. And from
the recipient's point of view, the lack of an expected reaction is am-
biguous, as there is no way of knowing whether the delay is due to
transmission problems or to some 'attitude' on the sender's part.
Unexpected silence in a telephone conversation carries a similar
ambiguity, but at least there we have well-established turn-taking
manoeuvres which can bring immediate clarification ('Hello?', 'Are
you still there?'). The linguistic strategies which underpin our con-
versational exchanges are much less reliable in chatgroups. Colin
may never get a reaction to his reply to Jane because Jane may
never have received it (for technical reasons), may not have noticed
it (because there are so many other remarks coming in at the same
time), may have been distracted by some other conversation (real
or online), may not have been present at her terminal to see the
message (for all kinds of reasons) , or simply decided not to respond.
Equally, she may have replied, and it is her message which has got
delayed or lost. When responses are disrupted by delays, there is
little anyone can do to sort such things out.

The larger the number of participants involved in an interac-
tion, the worse the situation becomes. 12 Delays in a conversation
between two people are annoying and ambiguous, but the level of
disruption is usually manageable, because each person has only one
interlocutor to worry about. If a simple e-mail situation is affected
by serious delay, feedback via phone or fax is easily providable.
But when an electronic interaction involves several people, such
as in chatgroups, virtual worlds, and e-mails which are copied
repeatedly, lag produces a very different situation, because it
interferes with another core feature of traditional face-to-face



12 Also, the wider the spread of participants, culturally speaking, the worse the problem
becomes. Some cultures are more used to silence as a communicative force, and are more
tolerant of delays (e.g. Japanese); others operate on a very short fuse (e.g. American and
British). See Tannen and Saville-Troike (1985).



The medium ofNetspeak 33

interaction, the conversational turn. Turn-taking is so fundamental
to conversation that most people are not conscious of its signifi-
cance as a means of enabling interactions to be successful. But it
is a conversational fact of life that people follow the routine of
taking turns, when they talk, and avoid talking at once or inter-
rupting each other randomly or excessively Moreover, they expect
certain 'adjacency-pairs' to take place: questions to be followed by
answers, and not the other way round; similarly, a piece of infor-
mation to be followed by an acknowledgement, or a complaint to
be followed by an excuse or apology. 13 These elementary strategies,
learned at a very early age, provide a normal conversation with its
skeleton.

When there are long lags, the conversational situation becomes
so unusual that its ability to cope with a topic can be destroyed. This
is because the turn-taking, as seen on a screen, is dictated by the
software, and not by the participants: 14 in a chatgroup, for instance,
even if one did start to send a reaction to someone else's utterance
before it was finished, the reaction would take its turn in a non-
overlapping series of utterances on the screen, dependent only on
the point at which the send signal was received at the host server.
Messages are posted to a receiver's screen linearly, in the order in
which they are receivedby the system. In a multi-user environment,
messages are coming in from various sources all the time, and with
different lags. Because of the way packets of information are sent
electronically through different global routes, between sender and
receiver, it is even possible for turn-taking reversals to take place,
and all kinds of unpredictable overlaps. The time-frames of the
participants do not coincide. Lucy asks a question; Sue receives it
and sends an answer, but on Ben's screen the answer is received
before the question. Or, Lucy sends a question, Sue replies, and
Lucy sends another question; but on Ben's screen the second ques-
tion arrives before Sue's reply to the first. Or Lucy, not yet having
received Sue's reply, reformulates her question and sends it again;



13 For an introduction to conversational exchanges in discourse analysis, see Stubbs ( 1983).

14 See Murray (1989).



34 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Sue replies to both; Ben then receives the sequence in the order Ql,
R2, Q2, Rl. The situation may be further complicated if Sue (or
anyone) decides to give answers to two questions from different
participants, sending them together. The possibilities for confu-
sion, once orderly turn-taking is so disruptable and adjacency-pairs
are so interruptable, are enormous. The number of overlapping
interactions that a screen may display at any one time increases
depending on the number of participants and the random nature
of the lags. In a typical scenario, the situation is at best confusing to
an outsider, as the extracts in chapter 5 illustrate (p. 157), it being
extremely difficult to keep track of a topic (a thread). What is sur-
prising is that practised participants seem to tolerate (indeed revel
in) the anarchy which ensues. (The reasons for this are discussed
at the end of chapter 5.)

Issues of feedback and turn-taking are ways in which Netspeak
interaction differs from conversational speech. But Netspeak is
unlike speech also with respect to the formal properties of the
medium - properties that are so basic that it becomes extremely
difficult for people to live up to the recommendation that they
should 'write as they talk'. Chief among these properties is the do-
main of prosody and paralanguage 15 — phonological terms which
capture the notion of 'it ain't what you say but the way that you say
it' - as expressed through vocal variations in pitch (intonation),
loudness (stress), speed, rhythm, pause, and tone of voice. As with
traditional writing, there have been somewhat desperate efforts to
replace it in the form of an exaggerated use of spelling and punc-
tuation, and the use of capitals, spacing, and special symbols for
emphasis. Examples include repeated letters (aaaaahhhhh, hiiiiiii,
ooops, soooo), repeated punctuation marks (no more!!!!!, whohe????,

15 Crystal and Quirk (1964), Crystal (1969). Emoticons have been called 'the paralanguage
of the Internet' (Dery, 1993), but they are not the same, in that they have to be consciously
added to a text. Their absence does not mean that the user lacks the emotion conveyed. In
face-to-face communication, someone may grin over several utterances, and the effect be
noted. In Netspeak, a 'grin' emoticon might be added to just one utterance, although the
speaker may continue to 'feel' the relevant emotion over several turns. There is also no
guarantee that the person who sends a 'grin' is actually grinning at all - a point which also
applies to abbreviations used: how many people are actually 'laughing out loud' when
they send LOU



The medium ofNetspeak 35

hey!!!!!!!!!, see what you started??????????????????), and the following
range of emphatic conventions:

all capitals for 'shouting': I SAID NO

letter spacing for 'loud and clear': WHY NOT, why not

word/phrase emphasis by asterisks: the *real * answer

(Underbars are also sometimes used for emphasis, as in 'the _ real _
answer', but are less widespread, as they have other functions, such
as their use as space-fillers in addresses to ensure that a compound
name is a single electronic string (David_Crystal) .) These features
are indeed capable of a certain expressiveness, but the range of
meanings they signal is small, and restricted to gross notions such
as extra emphasis, surprise, and puzzlement. Less exaggerated nu-
ances are not capable of being handled in this way, and there is no
system in the use of the marks - it seems likely that the number of
question-marks or exclamation-marks reflects only the length of
time the relevant key is held down. There are signs of other char-
acters or character combinations being used in order to express
shades of meaning (e.g. sure/, \so ), but in the absence of agreed
conventions it is difficult to know how to read such symbols, or
what the user means by them. As a result, it is no surprise to find
participants in chatgroups falling back on literary expressions in
an attempt to capture the range of effects and emotions involved,
using a graphic convention to distinguish the text from the rest of
the conversation, as in these examples: 16

<Hoppy giggles quietly to himself >
<Jake squeals insistently >
< Henry eyes Jane warily >

In virtual worlds, there are commands which allow people to ex-
press textually the emotion they feel, often with the addition of
synthesized sounds and visual effects. Despite these innovations,
users are aware of the ever-present ambiguity when the prosody

16 Angle brackets have several other functions in Netspeak: they identify commands in
HTML, surround e-mail addresses, and indicate speaker responses in e-mail dialogues.



36 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

of speech is lacking, as can be seen in the regular injunctions in
usage guides to be careful, especially when engaging in humour or
irony.

Related to this is the way Netspeak lacks the facial expres-
sions, gestures, and conventions of body posture and distance (the
kinesics and proxemics) 17 which are so critical in expressing personal
opinions and attitudes and in moderating social relationships. The
limitation was noted early in the development of Netspeak, and led
to the introduction of smiley 's or emoticons (a name deriving from
Emote, used in MUDs to convey actions: p. 180). 18 These are com-
binations of keyboard characters designed to show an emotional
facial expression: they are typed in sequence on a single line, and
placed after the final punctuation mark of a sentence. Almost all of
them are read sideways. The two basic types express positive atti-
tudes and negative attitudes respectively (the omission of the 'nose'
element seems to be solely a function of typing speed or personal
taste):

:-)or:) :-(or:(

Table 2.2 illustrates the most commonly used forms, along with a
few of the hundreds of ludic shapes and sequences which have been
invented and collected in smiley dictionaries. It is plain that they
are a potentially helpful but extremely crude way of capturing some
of the basic features of facial expression, but their semantic role is
limited. They can forestall a gross misperception of a speaker's in-
tent, but an individual smiley still allows a huge number of readings
(happiness, joke, sympathy, good mood, delight, amusement, etc.)
which can only be disambiguated by referring to the verbal context.
Some commentators have even described them as 'futile'. 19 With-
out care, moreover, they can lead to their own misunderstanding:



17 See Sebeok, Hayes, and Bateson (1964), Hall (1959).

18 See the collection in Sanderson (1993).

19 Dery (1997: 2), quoting an anonymous correspondent: 'Shit happens, especially on the
Net, where everyone speaks with flattened affect. I think the attempt to signal authorial
intent with little smileys is interesting but futile. They're subject to slippage like any other
kind of sign.'



Basic


smileys


:-)




:-(




;-)




;-(


: — (


%-(


%-)


:-o


8-0



The medium ofNetspeak 37

Table 2.2. Examples of smileys (after Sanderson, 1993)



pleasure, humour, etc.
sadness, dissatisfaction, etc.
winking (in any of its meanings)
crying
confused
shocked, amazed
:-] :-[ sarcastic

Joke smileys

[ : - ) User is wearing a walkman

8-) User is wearing sunglasses

B:-) User is wearing sunglasses on head

{) User has a moustache

) User is drunk

[ User is a vampire

E User is a bucktoothed vampire

F User is a bucktoothed vampire with one tooth missing

~ User has a cold

@ User is screaming

-:-) User is a punk

-:-( Real punks don't smile

+-:-) User holds a Christian religious office

:-) User is an angel at heart

Smiley stories

:-) 8-) 8-{)

A smiley to disguise himself gets glasses and a fake moustache.

C:-) >[] C8-)

A smart smiley left watching too much TV



adding a smile to an utterance which is plainly angry can increase
rather than decrease the force of the 'flame'. It is a common ex-
perience that a smile can go down the wrong way: 'And you can wipe
that smile off your face, as well!' Those who get into the habit of
routinely using smileys can also find themselves in the position of
having their unmarked utterances misinterpreted precisely because



38 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

they have no smiley attached to them. 20 Usage guides warn against
overuse. However, they are not especially frequent; in one study,
only 13.4% of 3,000 posts contained them - and some people did
not use them at all. 21 Most participants, moreover, made no use of
most of the formal possibilities, restricting themselves to just one
or two basic types, especially variants of the 'positive' smiley, as in:

dont be silly : ) hi : ) ) that's a pain :)))))

It should be noted, too, that smileys have other roles than disam-
biguation. Sometimes they seem to be doing little more than ex-
pressing rapport. Often, their presence seems to have purely prag-
matic force - acting as a warning to the recipient(s) that the sender
is worried about the effect a sentence might have. David Sanderson
makes this point in his dictionary, when he recommends: 22

You might include a smiley as a reminder of the ongoing context
of the conversation, to indicate that your words don't stand on
their own. A smiley can point out to the other participants of the
conversation that they need to understand you and your
personality in order to understand what you've said.

What is interesting to the linguist, of course, is why these novelties
have turned up now. Written language has always been ambiguous,
in its omission of facial expression, and in its inability to express
all the intonational and other prosodic features of speech. Why did
no one ever introduce smileys there? The answer must be some-
thing to do with the immediacy of Net interaction, its closeness
to speech. In traditional writing, there is time to develop phras-
ing which makes personal attitudes clear; that is why the formal



Brian Connery (1996: 175) makes a similar point in relation to other softening devices.
Talking about people who avoid flaming by using such abbreviations as IMHO (Tn
My Humble Opinion') and my $0.02 ('my two cents worth'), he comments: 'Ironically,
because of the innately authoritative nature of writing, within such anti-authoritarian
conversations, the absence of such cues may trigger flames because of the suspicion
that the author is claiming to put forward the definitive response which will end the
discussion.'

21 Witmer and Katzman (1997). Baron (2000) also notes the paucity of smileys in e-mails,
other than among youngsters; in her view, adults have the communicative skills to make
their messages sufficiently clear to avoid the need for the crude signals that smileys can
provide.

22 Sanderson (1993: 25).



The medium ofNetspeak 39

conventions of letter- writing developed. And when they are miss-
ing, something needs to replace them. A rapidly constructed Net
message, lacking the usual courtesies, can easily appear abrupt
or rude. A smiley defuses the situation. (Incidentally, the same
problems can arise with faxes, especially quickly handwritten ones,
though as yet smiley-type conventions have not made an impact
there.)

Whatever their function, and despite their limited use, smileys
are one of the most distinctive features of e-mail and chatgroup
language. But they are not the only mechanism devised to get round
the absence of kinesic and proxemic features. Verbal glosses are
also used, often within angle brackets, as in the prosodic examples
above:

<Eagle smiles sympathetically at Gunner>
< Spoon nods in greeting>

This convention is widely used in virtual worlds for all kinds of
kinesic effects, such as <smirk> and <laugh>. Abbreviated words
are also found in some groups, notably <g> = 'grin', used to react
to a message thought to be funny, or to convey teasing. The con-
vention has developed a small system of its own: bigger smiles are
symbolized by <gg>, <ggg>, etc., and a range of acronyms based
on the letter <g> have been devised, such as <vbg> = 'very big
grin', <gd&r> — 'grinning, ducking and running' (as a music-hall
performer might do after a bad joke).

These features of Netspeak have evolved as a way of avoiding
the ambiguities and misperceptions which come when written lan-
guage is made to carry the burden of speech. They are brave efforts,
but on the whole Netspeak lacks any true ability to signal mean-
ing through kinesic and proxemic features, and this, along with
the unavailability of prosodic features, places it at a considerable
remove from spoken language. 23 Absent also are other linguistic

23 This gap is probably the chief reason why, as Wallace puts it in her discussion of Internet
anonymity, 'it is so easy to lie and get away with it' (1999: 51). In face-to-face interaction,
only the most skilled liars can keep their deceptions out of their facial expression and
tone of voice. In Netspeak, nothing could be easier - though participants can still give
the game away by their unconscious use of other linguistic features (see p. 166).



40 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

features typical of conversational speech, and these make it even
more difficult for language to be used on the Internet in a truly
conversational way These limitations arise out of the current de-
pendence of the medium on typing speed and ability (see chapter 8
for future possibilities) . The fact of the matter is that even the fastest
typist comes nowhere near the spontaneity and speed of speech,
which in conversation routinely runs at 5 or 6 syllables a second.
Even apparently spontaneous Internet messages can involve ele-
ments of preplanning, pausing to think while writing, and mental
checking before sending, which are simply not options in most ev-
eryday conversation. Some features of spoken language are often
present in Internet writing, as we shall see below, such as short
constructions, phrasal repetition, and a looser sentence construc-
tion. But studies of e-mail and chatgroup interactions have shown
that they generally lack the very features of spoken language which
indicate most spontaneity - notably, the use of reaction signals
(m, mhm, uh-huh, yeah . . .) and comment clauses (you know, you
see, mind you . . .). Indeed, some writers have identified the lack of
these features as one of the reasons why so many Internet interac-
tions are misperceived as abrupt, cold, distant, or antagonistic. 24
In face-to-face conversation, rapport, warmth, and agreement are
regularly conveyed by subtle reaction signals which are injected at
salient points by the listener; and the speaker adds softness, sym-
pathy, friendliness, and solidarity by introducing such items as you
know — there is a world of difference, stylistically, between I think
you're wrong and Y'know, I think you're wrong. But because im-
mediate reaction signals are not possible (see above, p. 32), and
comment clauses are not a natural part of typing (most people are
unaware they use them, or how frequently they use them, in every-
day speech), these cues are missing from Netspeak. It is possible
to do something about comment clauses, and Patricia Wallace (see
fn. 23) is one who recommends their increased use, as a means
of improving e-rapport. Also, informality, and thus warmth, can

24 For example, Wallace (1999: 16), who devotes a whole chapter to the social psychological
implications.



The medium ofNetspeak 41

be improved through the use of colloquial grammar and vocab-
ulary (especially 'cool' abbreviations, see p. 85) and a readiness
to introduce language play But there is nothing one can do about
reaction signals. Addressing someone on the Internet is a bit like
having a telephone conversation in which a listener is giving you
no reactions at all: it is an uncomfortable and unnatural situation,
and in the absence of such feedback one's own language becomes
more awkward than it might otherwise be.

Although Netspeak tries to be like speech, in its e-mail, chat-
group, and virtual world incarnations, it remains some distance
from it, in respect of several of spoken language's most fundamen-
tal properties. One commentator has called it 'metacommunicative
minimalism', which he characterizes in this way: 25

Textual cyberspace filters away all qualities of a personal self save
the highly mediated, acutely self-conscious elements that appear
in written language. Phatic or metacommunicative cues, the
linguistic and paralinguistic signs that maintain cognizance of the
social relation between the sender and receiver of a message, are
drastically reduced in this medium.

Table 2.3 is a summary of the seven characteristics of speech out-
lined in Table 2.1, applied to the Internet situations described in
my opening chapter. Notwithstanding the way netizens routinely
talk about their domain in terms which derive from everyday con-
versation, in my estimation the actual amount that Netspeak has
in common with speech is very limited. The Web is furthest away
from it; chatgroup and virtual world interactions are somewhat
closer to it; and e-mails sit uncertainly in the middle. The latter
three categories are certainly more speech-like than any other va-
riety of traditional writing; but the similarities are balanced, if not
outweighed, by the differences. So, if Netspeak does not display the
properties we would expect of speech, does it instead display the
properties we expect of writing?

Here too, the situation is not straightforward, as can be seen
from the analogous summary in Table 2.4. Let us consider first the

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44 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

space-bound character of traditional writing - the fact that a piece
of text is static and permanent on the page. If something is written
down, repeated reference to it will be an encounter with an un-
changed text. We would be surprised if, upon returning to a partic-
ular page, it had altered its graphic character in some way. Putting it
like this, we can see immediately that Netspeak is not by any means
like conventional writing. A 'page' on the Web often varies from
encounter to encounter (and all have the option of varying, even if
page-owners choose not to take it) for several possible reasons: its
factual content might have been updated, its advertising sponsor
might have changed, or its graphic designer might have added new
features. Nor is the writing that you see necessarily static, given the
technical options available which allow text to move around the
screen, disappear/reappear, change colour, and so on. From a user
point of view, there are opportunities to 'interfere' with the text in
all kinds of ways that are not possible in traditional writing. A page,
once downloaded to the user's screen, may have its text cut, added
to, revised, annotated, even totally restructured, in ways that none-
theless retain the character of the original. The possibilities are
causing not a little anxiety among those concerned about issues of
ownership, copyright, and forgery (see chapter 7).

The other Internet situations also display differences from tradi-
tional writing, with respect to their space-bound presence. E-mails
are in principle static and permanent, but routine textual deletion
is expected procedure (it is a prominent option in the manage-
ment system), and it is possible to alter messages electronically
with an ease and undetectability which is not possible when people
try to alter a traditionally written text. Messages in asynchronic
chatgroups tend to be long-term in character; but those in syn-
chronic groups and in virtual worlds are not. In the literature on
computer-mediated communication, reference is often made to the
persistence of a conversational message - the fact that it stays on the
screen for a period of time (before the arrival of other messages re-
places it or makes it scroll out of sight). 26 This certainly introduces

26 For example, Thomas Erickson (1999).



The medium ofNetspeak 45

certain properties to the conversation which are not available in
speech. It means, for example, that someone who enters a conver-
sation a couple of turns after an utterance has been made can still
see the utterance, reflect upon it, and react to it; the persistence is
relatively short-lived, however, compared with that routinely en-
countered in traditional writing. It also means, for those systems
that provide an archiving log of all messages, in the order in which
they were received by the server, that it is possible in principle
to browse a past conversation, or search for a particular topic, in
ways that spontaneous (unrecorded) conversation does not per-
mit; however, in practice none of the systems currently available
enable this to be done with ease, time-lags and the other factors
described above making it extremely difficult to follow a topical
thread in a recorded log (see chapter 5). There are well-established
means of finding one's way through a traditional written text: they
are called indexes, and they are carefully compiled by indexers,
who select and organize relevant information. Indexes of this kind
are not likely in interactive Netspeak, because there is so much
of it and the subject-matter does not usually warrant it. There
has been little research into the question of whether automatic
indexing could be adapted so as to provide useful end-products
(see chapter 7).

The other characteristics of traditional written language also dis-
play an uncertain relationship to Netspeak. Is Netspeak contrived,
elaborate in its construction, and repeatedly revisable (items 2, 4,
and 6 in Table 2.4)? For the Web, the answer has to be yes, allowing
the same range of structural complexity as would be seen elsewhere.
For chatgroups and virtual worlds, where the pressure is strong to
communicate rapidly, the answer has to be no, though the fact
that smileys and other graphic conventions have been devised il-
lustrates a certain degree of contrivance. E-mails vary enormously:
some people are happy to send messages with no revision at all,
not caring if typing errors, spelling mistakes, and other anomalies
are included in their messages; others take as many pains to revise
their messages as they would in non-Internet settings - or even
more, if there is some sensitivity over flaming (p. 55). Is Netspeak



46 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

visually decontextualized (item 3 in Table 2.4)? Immediate visual
feedback is always absent, as discussed above, so in this respect Net-
speak is just like traditional writing. But Web pages often provide
visual aids to support text, in the form of photographs, maps, di-
agrams, animations, and the like; and many virtual -world settings
have a visual component built in, with signs of adaptation even
in text-only worlds (such as instructions to 'move North' or 'leave
through the East door' on a game screen; see p. 177). Is Netspeak
factually communicative (item 5 in Table 2.4)? For the Web and
e-mails, the answer is a strong yes. The other two situations are
less clear. Within the reality parameters established by a virtual
world, factual information is certainly routinely transmitted, but
there is a strong social element always present which greatly affects
the kind of language used. Chatgroups vary enormously: the more
academic and professional they are, the more likely they are to be
factual in aim (though often not in achievement, if reports of the
amount of flaming are to be believed); the more social and ludic
chatgroups, on the other hand, routinely contain sequences which
have negligible factual content.

Finally, is Netspeak graphically rich? Once again, for the Web
the answer is yes, its richness having increased along with tech-
nological progress, putting into the hands of the ordinary user a
range of typographic and colour variation that far exceeds the pen,
the typewriter, and the early word processor, and allowing fur-
ther options not available to conventional publishing, such as ani-
mated text, hypertext links, and multimedia support (sound, video,
film). On the other hand, as typographers and graphic designers
have repeatedly pointed out, just because a new visual language is
available to everyone does not mean that everyone can use it well.
Despite the provision of a wide range of guides to Internet design
and desk-top publishing, 27 examples of illegibility, visual confu-
sion, over-ornamentation, and other inadequacies abound. They
are compounded by the limitations of the medium, which cause

27 For example, Pring (1999).



The medium ofNetspeak 47

no problem if respected, but which are often ignored, as when
we encounter screenfuls of unbroken text, paragraphs which scroll
downwards interminably, or text which scrolls awkwardly off the
right-hand side of the screen. The problems of graphic translata-
bility are only beginning to be appreciated - that it is not possible
to take a paper-based text and put it on a screen without rethink-
ing the graphic presentation and even, sometimes, the content of
the message. 28 Add to all this the limitations of the technology.
The time it takes to download pages which contain 'fancy graphics'
and multimedia elements is a routine cause of frustration, and in
interactive situations can exacerbate communicative lag (p. 31).

Disregarding the differences between Internet situations, in
Tables 2.3 and 2.4, and looking solely at the cells in terms of 'yes',
'variable', and 'no', it is plain that Netspeak has far more properties
linking it to writing than to speech. Of the 28 cells in the speech
summary in Table 2.3, only 9 are 'yes', 4 are 'variable', and 1 5 are 'no'.
The situation for the writing summary in Table 2.4, as we would ex-
pect, is almost exactly the reverse: 16 are 'yes', 4 are 'variable', and 8
are 'no'. Once we take the different Internet situations into account,
then the Web is seen to be by far the closest to written language, with
chatgroups furthest away, and the other two situations in between.
The differences are striking, as later chapters will further illustrate.
But on the whole, Netspeak is better seen as written language which
has been pulled some way in the direction of speech than as spoken
language which has been written down. However, expressing the
question in terms of the traditional dichotomy is itself misleading.
Netspeak is identical to neither speech nor writing, but selectively
and adaptively displays properties of both. Davis and Brewer see
it thus, as an eclectic resource: 'Writing in the electronic medium,
people adopt conventions of oral and written discourse to their
own, individual communicative needs'. 29

Netspeak is more than an aggregate of spoken and written fea-
tures. As we shall see in later chapters, it does things that neither

28 For graphic translatability, see Twyman (1982). 29 Davis and Brewer (1997: 19).



48 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

of these other mediums do, and must accordingly be seen as a new
species of communication. Baron, in a metaphor which takes up the
species theme, calls it an 'emerging language centaur - part speech,
part writing'. 30 I would have to adopt an aliens metaphor to cap-
ture my own vision of Netspeak as something genuinely different
in kind —'speech + writing + electronically mediated properties'. 31
It is more than just a hybrid of speech and writing, or the result
of contact between two long-standing mediums. 32 Electronic texts,
of whatever kind, are simply not the same as other kinds of texts.
According to Marilyn Deegan, 33 they display fluidity, simultaneity
(being available on an indefinite number of machines), and non-
degradability in copying; they transcend the traditional limitations
on textual dissemination; and they have permeable boundaries
(because of the way one text may be integrated within others or
display links to others). Several of these properties have conse-
quences for language, and these combine with those associated with
speech and writing to make Netspeak a genuine 'third medium'.



Netspeak maxims

How should we further characterize Netspeak, viewed as a novel
medium combining spoken, written, and electronic properties?
One method is to continue with the comparative approach used
above. Several linguists and philosophers of language have investi-
gated what counts as a 'normal' kind of conversation. The philoso-
pher H. P. Grice is one, well known in pragmatics research for his



30 Baron (2000: 248), and see below, p. 128. Baron also sees the relationship between speech
and writing as continuum-like, though she makes a different set of distinctions. From
one extreme, which she labels 'writing (as product)', she recognizes 'joint composition >
anonymous dialogue > 1-many dialogue (not anonymous) > 1-1 dialogue (not anony-
mous)' before arriving at 'speech (as process)' (p. 158).

31 Sociolinguist Celso Alvarez-Caccamo (in Cumming, 1995: 6) also seems to sense a
uniqueness in the nature of computer-mediated communication, when he talks of an
observing alien characterizing it in terms of 'its fundamental " weirdness"' - by which he
means the speed, invisibility, distribution, and anonymity of electronic interaction (in
which the choice of a particular language is incidental).

32 The view of e-mail as a contact language is argued by Baron (2000: ch. 9).

33 Deegan (2000).



The medium ofNetspeak 49

four maxims of conversation that underlie the efficient co-operative
use of language. 34 They can be expressed as follows:

The maxim of Quality

Try to make your contribution one that is true, specifically:

Do not say what you believe to be false.

Do not say that for which you lack adequate evidence.

The maxim of Relevance

Make your contributions relevant.

The maxim of Quantity

Make your contribution as informative as is required for the

current purposes of the exchange.
Do not make your contribution more informative than is required.
The maxim of Manner
Be perspicuous, and specifically:
Avoid obscurity.
Avoid ambiguity.
Be brief.
Be orderly.

The point of an analysis of this kind is not to suggest that we always
behave exactly according to the principles; common experience
shows that we do not. But we do seem to tacitly recognize their role
as a perspective or orientation within which actual utterances can
be judged. For example, people who tell lies or make false claims
can be challenged; if they talk too much they can be told (in so
many words) to shut up; if they say something irrelevant, they can
be asked to stick to the point; and if they fail to make themselves
clear, they can be requested to say it again. The fact that we do
all of these things indicates that we are bearing these maxims in
mind. Moreover, if someone makes a remark that seems to flout
these maxims, we instinctively look for ways to make sense of what
has been said. If Joe asks 'Where's Uncle Kevin?' and Jill replies T
expect there's a dilapidated blue bicycle outside The Swan', we do
not criticize her for breaking all four maxims at once. Rather, we
take it for granted that she is co-operating in the conversation, and
that (a) she has good grounds from past experience for knowing

34 Grice (1975). For a general discussion, see Levinson (1983: ch. 3).



50 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

that a bicycle will be outside The Swan at this time; (b) she knows
the mention of a bicycle is relevant, because Uncle Kevin rides
one; (c) she knows its attributes include being dilapidated and
blue, and feels that the mention of both makes for a more vivid
or jocular sentence than one which uses just one adjective or no
adjective at all; and (d) she knows that Joe knows all this, so that
her answer will be perfectly clear. In such ways, and by making such
assumptions, we are able to make sense of all kinds of superficially
bizarre contributions to conversations.

It is not so easy to work out what is going on in the Internet
world. Part of the difficulty arises out of the anonymity inherent in
the electronic medium. This is not the first medium to allow spoken
interaction between individuals who wish to remain anonymous,
of course, as we know from the history of telephone and ama-
teur radio; but it is certainly unprecedented in the scale and range
of situations in which people can hide their identity, especially in
chatgroups and virtual worlds. 35 These situations routinely contain
individuals who are talking to each other under nicknames (nicks),
which may be an assumed first-name, a fantasy description (top-
dude, sexstar), or a mythical character or role (rockman, elf slayer)
(see further, chapter 5). In e-mails, the personal identity element
(the part of the address found before the @) may be any of these,
or simply a number or code, it then being up to the sender to de-
cide what authentic signature the text of the e-mail will contain.
The lexical structure and character of the names themselves is an
important feature of Netspeak, of course; but there are other con-
sequences for the type of language used. Operating behind a false



J 5



The electronic traceability of messages, through server records, backups, and other mon-
itoring procedures, might be thought enough to make anonymity impossible. As several
commentators have said: never write anything that you wouldn't want to see read out in
court (e.g. Durusau, 1996) - see further below, p. 127. But tracing can be made extremely
difficult in various ways, such as through using 'anonymizers' - services that combine
encryption, pseudonyms, and proxy servers to let you browse and send messages anony-
mously, 'remailer' services which disguise where a message comes from, or free e-mail
services which do not check the user's personal details. There is no real way of knowing if
an e-mail has been interfered with. Although the system is sufficiently abused (e.g. false
or insulting messages sent out under someone's name) that some organizations impose
e-mail controls, the general problem does not seem to have affected the vast majority of
users, who operate unconcernedly with their online personae.



The medium ofNetspeak 5 1

persona seems to make people less inhibited: they may feel em-
boldened to talk more and in different ways from their real-world
linguistic repertoire. They must also expect to receive messages
from others who are likewise less inhibited, and be prepared for
negative outcomes. There are obviously inherent risks in talking
to someone we do not know, and instances of harassment, insult-
ing or aggressive language, and subterfuge are legion. Questions
about identity - of a kind which would be totally redundant in
face-to-face settings - are also a feature of initial chatgroup en-
counters. Certain kinds of information are asked for and given,
notably about location, age, and gender (not usually about race or
socio-economic status). Gender is so sensitive an issue that it has
given rise to the terms Morf(— 'male or female'), an online query
addressed to someone who uses a gender-ambiguous name (e.g.
Chris, Hilary, Jan) and Sorg (= 'straight or gay'). People seem to
become particularly anxious if they do not know the sex and sexual
preference of the person they are talking to.

Multiple and often conflicting notions of truth therefore co-
exist in Internet situations, ranging from outright lying through
mutually aware pretence to playful trickery. As Patricia Wallace
puts it, referring to the absence of prosodic and kinesic clues in
Netspeak: 'The fact that it is so easy to lie and get away with it -
as long as we can live with our own deceptions and the harm they
may cause others - is a significant feature of the Internet.' 36 It is
of course possible to live out a lie or fantasy logically and consis-
tently, and it is on this principle that the games in virtual worlds
operate and the nicknamed people in chatgroups interact. But it is
by no means easy to maintain a consistent presence through lan-
guage in a world where multiple interactions are taking place under
pressure, where participants are often changing their names and
identities, and where the co-operative principle can be arbitrarily
jettisoned. Putting this another way, when you see an Internet ut-
terance, you often do not know how to take it, because you do not
know what set of conversational principles it is obeying. Here are

36 Wallace (1999: 51).



52 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

two such circumstances, both of which undermine the maxim of
quality.

A spoof Is any message whose origin is suspect; the sending of
such messages, spoofing, is commonplace in some Internet situa-
tions. Unattributed utterances may be introduced into a virtual-
worlds conversation, for example. Normally, each conversational
turn is preceded by the name of the player, along the lines of Mole
says, 'I'm hungry' But it is possible for a player to interpolate an
utterance with no name preceding, such as: An angry lion appears
in the doorway. Spoof utterances may also be inserted by the soft-
ware, and not by any of the participants. When a spoof is noticed,
the players may condemn it, question it, or play about with it. The
result can be a fresh element of fun injected into a game which is
palling, with everybody knowing what is going on and willingly
participating. Equally, because spoofing can confuse other players,
and severely disrupt a game which is proceeding well, the various
guides to manners in virtual worlds tend to be critical of it, and
discourage it. Some groups insist on displaying the identity of the
spoofer, such as by making the sender add his/her nick afterwards:
1,000 linguists have converged on Parliament — Doc. 37 Because there
is no way of knowing whether the content of a spoof is going to be
true (with reference to the rest of the conversation) or false, such
utterances introduce an element of anarchy into the co-operative
ethos of conversation.

A similar problem arises with trolling, the sending of a message (a
troll) specifically intended to cause irritation to others, such as the
members of a chatgroup. It is an innocent-sounding question or
statement, delivered deadpan, and usually short, though some trolls
are verbose in their apparent cluelessness. For example, somebody
who wanted to troll a linguistics group might send the message
I've heard that the Eskimo language has 1,000 words for snow — then
sit back to enjoy the resulting explosions. 38 The term derives from
fishing (the trailing of a baited hook to see what bites) , though it also



37 This is the procedure followed in Cherny's group (Cherny 1999: 115).

38 For the reason, see Pullum and McCawley (1991).



The medium ofNetspeak 53

captures the resonance of the trolls of Scandinavian mythology -
the bridge-guarders who would let people pass only if they answered
a question correctly On the Internet, the bait is false information,
deliberately introduced into a conversation to see who falls for it.
People who respond, and correct the misinformation, show that
they do not belong to the group, or are newcomers to it (newbies);
old hands will simply ignore it, or - if they can be bothered -
laconically send the response 'nice troll' to the originator, or YHBT
(= 'you have been trolled') to the responder. Not all chatgroups
troll; some insert clues to the existence of a troll into a message
that only the cognoscenti recognize; some are very much against
the whole process, conscious of the communicative disruption that
can result.

The maxim of quantity is also often undermined in Internet sit-
uations. At one extreme there is lurking— a refusal to communicate.
Lurkers are people who access a chatgroup and read its messages
but do not contribute to the discussion. The motives include new-
bie reluctance to be involved, academic curiosity (researching some
aspect of Internet culture), or voyeurism. Some manuals refer to
lurking as 'spying'. 39 Spamming refers to the sending of usually un-
wanted messages of excessive size. The origin of the term lies in a
1970 Monty Python sketch in which a cafe waitress describes the
available dishes to two customers, and culinary variation is in-
troduced by an increasing reliance on spam - 'Well, there's egg
and bacon; egg sausage and bacon; egg and spam; egg bacon and
spam; egg bacon sausage and spam; spam bacon sausage and spam;
spam egg spam spam bacon and spam; spam sausage spam spam
bacon spam tomato and spam . . .' - the whole interchange being
accompanied, as one would expect, by the chanting of the same
word from a passing group of Vikings. 40 In one of those seman-
tic shifts which makes etymology such a fascinating subject, the



39 Lurking is not the same as idling, which is not an active attempt to hide one's presence
from the other members of a group - as when a participant decides to do something else
while staying connected, or simply has nothing to say. A further label identifies smurfs
and smurfettes- people who post messages to a group but without saying anything much.

40 Monty Python's Flying Circus, BBC, 2nd series, episode 25 (15 December 1970).



54 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

term was first applied to cases where a single message would be
sent to many recipients, as when a company sends out an ad to
everyone on a mailing list, producing electronic 'junk-mail'. It later
came to be used for the complementary situation - the sending of
many messages to one user, as when a group of people electroni-
cally lobby a politician or attack a company's policy 41 Either way,
people find themselves having to deal with quantities of unwanted
text.

Not all spam is the same, either in intention or effect. Charles
Stivale identifies three types common in virtual worlds: playful, per-
nicious, and ambiguous. 42 Playful spamming occurs when visual
or audio effects (such as a duck quacking) have been programmed
to turn up in the text, unasked-for, at intervals within the game sit-
uation. It can also be found when one character does something ag-
gressively playful to another (a bonk— but not in the UK sense, please
note), 43 thereby eliciting a vociferous response. In some game situ-
ations (especially MOOs), several participants may simultaneously
respond to a playful stimulus, producing a sequence of text mes-
sages on screen which come in so fast that they can hardly be read.
Pernicious spamming refers to the Internet equivalent of real-life
harassment, often involving sexually explicit language and descrip-
tion of actions, and usually prompting the introduction of control
measures of some kind by the group moderators. Lengthy aggres-
sive utterances (flaming— see below) are often involved. Ambigu-
ous spamming falls between these extremes. A participant might
repeatedly send a message which irritates other players, or cause
another player to do something unlooked-for (e.g. Sting throws
Moog out of the plane) or be sent to another 'room' in the game
(such as 'Prison'). The ambiguity lies in the fact that the intention
behind the spam may be unclear, and the effect variously unpre-
dictable. What counts as spam is often a matter of taste; as Marvin

41 A further distinction is the sending of many messages to a server in an attempt to shut it
down - what is usually referred to as a mailbomb. The automatic deletion of spam mail
is known as blackholing.

42 Stivale (1996).

43 As The New Penguin English Dictionary (2000) intriguingly puts it: 'bonk, verb trans
informal 2 Brit to have sexual intercourse with (somebody)'.



The medium ofNetspeak 55

puts it: 'one participant's spam is another's entertainment'. 44 But in
all cases, spamming is a gratuitous addition to the communicative
exchange, and thus breaks the maxim of quantity.

Flaming differs from spamming, in that messages (flames) are
always aggressive, related to a specific topic, and directed at an
individual recipient (spamming, by contrast, is often ludic or emo-
tionally neutral, unspecific in content, and aimed at anyone within
'earshot'). It is similar in some ways to the ritual verbal duelling
encountered between rival gangs and opposing army generals. 45
However, there is considerable dispute over what counts as a flame,
and why people do it. People's sensitivities, tastes, communica-
tive preferences, and styles differ - as they do in everyday con-
versation, indeed, where it is also not always agreed between two
parties whether they are 'arguing' or 'having a discussion', or why
an argument has blown up. Curiously, the two chatgroup parties
involved in a flame often do not see their interchange as flam-
ing, though other participants in the group do. Parties who have
had their flaming pointed out to them are often surprised at the
level of their linguistic aggressiveness - a function, presumably, of
flamers finding themselves at a safe and often anonymous elec-
tronic distance from each other. 46 Cultural differences intervene,
especially when messages are being exchanged internationally, so
that an observation which might seem totally innocent to a sender
in country A might seem inexplicably rude to a receiver in coun-
try B. Also, it often takes time for a series of exchanges to develop
from a mild disagreement into an antagonistic interchange, and it
can be difficult to identify the point when this happens. Plainly, an
exchange in which participants have stopped talking about their
topic and are simply exchanging verbal abuse would be a clear
flame; but it is more debatable whether aggressive argument (of
the kind common enough in much academic and political debate),

44 Marvin (1996: 9). The subjectivity of the notion is also noted by Cherny ( 1999: 75) who
refers to Marvin and observes, 'party conversation that appears witty and fun to one
person is annoying spam to another'.

45 For examples, see Crystal (1997a: 60).

46 In one study, the members of anonymous groups made six times more hostile remarks
than the members of non-anonymous ones: Wallace (1999: 125).



56 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

continuing to focus on the topic, albeit rudely, is flaming or not.
The point has attracted considerable discussion within chatgroups
(where flaming behaviour is common, at least by comparison with
e-mail). 47 William Millard reports a case where a discussion moved
to a different level, involving a dispute over whether a message
was a flame or not, thereby attracting the attention of the list
moderator, who attempted to control the way the interaction was
going: 48

The message below is not a flame, although the poster claims it is.
I have noticed on lists that when anyone uses the word 'flame' in a
post hitherto dormant netters gather for the kill from all parts of
the known electronic universe. Don't overreact here . . .

Ironically, such interventions can lead to a further discussion of
what constitutes flaming, in which people take strong positions,
and end up flaming each other about the topic of flaming - what
Millard calls metaflaming.

Flaming behaviour, arising as it does out of frustration over
the way a conversation is going, would seem more to contravene
Grice's maxim of manner than of quantity. Its presence in Netspeak
should not be underestimated. Millard, focusing on academic lists,
identifies several factors in Internet writing which account for it. In
addition to the metacommunicative minimalism of the medium,
referred to above (p. 41), there is also:

the customary economic constraints on connection time (and
thus on personal patience), the delayed response of the audience,
or the uncertainties ensuing from the consciousness that Internet
communities are new enough to lack clear social protocols - as
well as the general underlying tension between conceptions of
language as a transparent medium for serious work or a dense
material for ludic performance

- all of which, he concludes, 'implies that online academic writing
as a genre is conducive to anxiety, wrath, and vendetta'. 49 The point

47 Baron (2000: 239) finds a diminution in e-mail flaming, and suggests that the behaviour
may have been an early symptom of the novelty of the medium.

48 Millard (1996: 152-3). 49 Millard (1996: 147).



The medium ofNetspeak 57

goes well beyond the academic. Some groups have even gone so
far as to experiment with flame filters, which search a message for
potential inflammatory words or phrases (e.g. get + lost/real/with
it/life; you + noun) and automatically exclude them. But the in-
vestigation of the formal linguistic equivalents of this particular
genre of communicative competence is too rudimentary for such
procedures to be reliable - both in what they exclude and fail to
exclude. Rather more useful are such features as the 'scribble' com-
mand (used on the virtual community known as The Well = 'Whole
Earth 'Lectronic Link': p. 130), which allows senders to delete what
they have sent, inserting <scribbled> in its place.

The maxim of manner is also seriously challenged by the way
some Internet situations operate. Will contributions be orderly
and brief, avoiding obscurity and ambiguity? Brevity is certainly
a recognized desideratum in all Netspeak interactions, in terms
of sentence length, the number of sentences in a turn, or the
amount of text on a screen. Style manuals repeatedly exhort users
to be brief (p. 74); and while there are several signs of brevity in
the different Internet situations, it takes only a short exposure to
the Web to find many instances where the principle is honoured
more in the breach than the observance. Also, Web page designers
constantly talk about the importance of 'clear navigation' around
a page, between pages in a site, and between sites, with the aim of
providing unproblematic access to sites, clear screen layouts, and
smoothly functioning selection options (for searching, help, fur-
ther information, etc). But the inevitable amateurishness of many
Web pages (the cost of designing a high-quality Web site can be con-
siderable) means that the manner maxim is repeatedly broken. In
synchronous chatgroups, the challenge is much more fundamental;
there is an extraordinary degree of disorder, chiefly due to the num-
ber of participants all speaking at once, which makes a transcript
of an interaction extremely difficult to follow. An interesting ques-
tion is the extent to which obscurity and ambiguity is more likely
in Netspeak because of the dependency of the medium upon typed
input. Typing, not a natural behaviour, imposes a strong pressure
on the sender to be selective in what is said, especially if one is not



58 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

a very fast or competent typist. And selectivity in expression must
lead to all kinds of inclarity

Fourthly, the maxim of relevance - that contributions should
clearly relate to the purpose of the exchange - is also undermined
in some Internet situations. What is the purpose of an Internet
exchange, one might well ask? In some cases, it is possible to define
the purpose quite easily - a search for information on a specific
topic on the Web, for example, or the desire to score points in a
fantasy game. In others, several purposes can be present simultane-
ously, such as an e-mail which combines informational, social, and
ludic functions. But in many cases, it is not easy to work out what
the purpose of the exchange is. People often seem to post messages
not in a spirit of real communication but just to demonstrate their
electronic presence to other members of a group, to 'leave their
mark' for the world to see (in the spirit of graffiti), or to use the
medium to help themselves think something out. 50 The extreme
situation is found in many chatgroups, where from the amount of
topic-shifting we might well conclude that no subject-matter could
ever be irrelevant. Informal conversation has long been recognized
for its relative randomness of subject-matter; 51 but identifying the
threads of subject-matter in a spoken dialogue is simplicity itself
compared with the nature of the exchanges in such chatgroups,
where several topics are being discussed at once, participants are
interpolating comments about the way the conversation is going,
and irrelevant utterances are being routinely introduced (as in the
case of spoofing) for ludic or other reasons. The notion of rel-
evance is usually related to an ideational or content-based func-
tion of language; but here we seem to have a situation where con-
tent is not privileged, and where factors of a social kind are given
precedence.

The social function of much Internet communication has been
a major theme of the literature in recent years, especially with

50 This enhancing feature of the medium is illustrated by the finding that electronic group
brainstorming seems to work better than its face-to-face counterpart: Wallace ( 1 999: 84) .

51 Crystal and Davy (1969: ch. 1).



The medium ofNetspeak 59

reference to the concept of a 'virtual community'. This notion has
been not a little contentious, with some considering it an empty
phrase, and others trying to give it a meaningful definition. Cer-
tainly, the mere fact of having engaged in an Internet activity does
not produce in a user the sort of sense of identity and belong-
ing which accompanies the term community. On the other hand,
some Internet situations do promote such a sense of belonging,
which comes from 'the experience of sharing with unseen others
a space of communication'. 52 Underlying this view is a broader
issue, to do with the way the Internet has come to be used in prac-
tice. To summarize a complex debate (in a netshell, perhaps): the
Internet is not as global a medium as it might at first appear to be.
While in principle much has been made of its ability to transcend
the limitations of physical environments, cultural differences, and
time-zones, thereby allowing people from anywhere to communi-
cate with people anywhere else about anything at all, in practice the
types of communication which take place are much more restricted
and parochial. Most Internet interactions are not global in charac-
ter; we are not talking to millions when we construct our Web pages,
send an e-mail, join a chatgroup, or enter a virtual world. Derek
Foster, summarizing a paper on computer- mediated communica-
tion (CMC) by Garth Graham, comments: 'The interactivity of
CMC is about human connections. It is about talking. It serves in-
dividuals and communities, not mass audiences.' 53 Howard Rhein-
gold describes the Internet as an 'ecosystem' of subcultures. 54 And
Patricia Wallace identifies purpose as much more important than
geography: 55

Though I like the 'global village' metaphor, the Internet is not
really like that most of the time. With respect to human
interaction, it is more like a huge collection of distinct
neighborhoods where people with common interests can share
information, work together, tell stories, joke around, debate
politics, help each other out, or play games.



52 Wilbur (1996: 13). 53 Foster (1996: 29).

54 Rheingold(1993:3). 55 Wallace (1999: 9).



60 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Internet users are evidently wanting to talk to others who belong
to their interest group (subculture, elite, niche . . .) or whom they
would like to influence so that they become part of their interest
group. Indicative is the way group members typically use such la-
bels as 'guests', 'outsiders', and 'foreigners' when referring to visitors
to their forum. The more light-hearted accounts go even further.
Andy Ihnatko, for example, characterizes the situation in this way:
'the true purpose of language is to reenforce the divisions between
society's tribes, or at least to make things difficult enough to un-
derstand so that the riff-raff keeps out. The new language of the
Internet, spoken by a great number of rather insular types who like
to keep interpersonal contact to a bare minimum to begin with,
is no exception.' 56 Sociological analysis now seems to be moving
away from the view that the kind of reduced social cues described
earlier disallow the development of complex social and personal
relationships on the Net. Just because we use a restricted set of
graphic characters does not stop people constructing a new social
world, and some have argued that cyberspace in certain conditions
permits considerable levels of sophistication. 57

Interesting linguistic questions follow. If real Internet communi-
ties are relatively small-scale, they will demonstrate their solidarity
by evolving (consciously or unconsciously) measures of identity,
some of which will be nonlinguistic (e.g. shared knowledge, a par-
ticular morality) and some linguistic in character. The linguistic
features will take time to evolve, especially in a medium where
technological facilities change so quickly and where some degree of
nonconformity is commonplace among users, but eventually they
will provide the community with an occupational dialect which
newcomers will have to learn if they wish to join it. Linguistic id-
iosyncrasies belonging to individual chatgroups and MUDs have
often been noted, at least as anecdotal observations. One of the
aims of what one day might be called Internet sociolinguistics
(or dialectology) will be to determine just how systematic such

56 Ihnatko (1997: iii). " See the review in Paccagnelk (1997).



The medium ofNetspeak 61

features are and how many such dialects can be distinguished. An
initial enquiry into each of the main Internet situations provides
the subject-matter of chapters 4-7. However, it is also likely, given
the constraints that come from everyone using a broadly similar
computer technology and having a broadly similar set of motiva-
tions, that there will be a set of shared linguistic features, found
regardless of the Internet situation. The extent to which such a
'common core' exists is the subject of chapter 3.



Finding an identity



The uncertain linguistic identity of Netspeak, in its various Inter-
net manifestations, is presumably why so many usage dictionaries,
guides, and rule books have appeared in recent years. People seem
to have begun to sense that they are dealing with something new,
as far as their linguistic intuitions are concerned. They are realiz-
ing that their established knowledge, which has enabled them to
survive and succeed in spoken and written linguistic encounters
hitherto, is no longer enough to guarantee survival and success on
the Internet. Perhaps they have encountered the 'painful and awk-
ward lessons' in social interaction which Patricia Wallace talked
about (p. 16). Perhaps they have been misunderstood, misper-
ceived, or attacked (flamed) because they have failed to notice the
differences between this new medium of communication and the
old. David Porter sums it up this way: l

There are words, but they often seem to be words stripped of
context, words desperately burdened by the lack of the other
familiar markers of identity in this strange, ethereal realm. It is no
wonder that these digitalized words, flung about among strangers
and strained beyond the limits of what written language in other
contexts is called upon to do, are given to frequent misreading, or
that they erupt as often they do into antagonistic 'flames'. In a
medium of disembodied voices and decontextualized points of
view, a medium, furthermore, beholden to the fetishization of
speed, the experience of ambiguity and misreading is bound to be
less an exception than the norm.

Whatever the reason, people seem to want guidance, and those with
a track-record in using the Internet have not been slow to supply

1 Porter (1996a: xi-xii).
62



Finding an identity 63

it. An interesting kind of semi-prescriptivism has begun to emerge,
as a result.

The distinction between prescriptive and descriptive approaches
to language study has been a source of controversy since Classical
times. 2 Prescriptivism is the view that one variety of language has
an inherently higher value than others, and that this ought to be
imposed on the whole of the speech community. It is an author-
itarian view, espoused for English in the middle decades of the
eighteenth century, and propounded especially in relation to usage
in grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation. The favoured variety
is usually a version of the standard written language which most
closely reflects literary style. Those who speak or write in this variety
are said to be using language 'correctly'; those who do not are said
to be using it 'incorrectly'. (Some analysts distinguish prescriptive
rules, recommending what should be done, from proscriptive rules,
recommending what should not be done.) Examples in English are
(for grammar) 'Never begin a sentence with and\ (for vocabulary)
'Always use decimate to mean "kill a tenth'", (for pronunciation)
Avoid pronouncing an /r/ between vowels, as in law(r) and order,
and (for spelling) 'There must always be an ae in encyclopaedia]
Quite plainly, the prescriptive approach ignores the realities of
everyday usage, where most people (including many famous
authors) do begin sentences with and, do use decimate to mean
'kill a large number', do link adjacent vowels with /r/, and do not
put the a of encyclopedia in.

The descriptive approach, by contrast, does not condemn usages
that do not follow the rules thought up by prescriptively minded
authors. Rather, it describes the variations in usage found within
a language, and explains why variant forms exist. American usage
favours encyclopedia, traditional British usage encyclopaedia, but
as the dominant influence during the twentieth century was from
the US to the UK, the American spelling was increasingly found in
British publications. Or again, both This is the lady I was talking

2 For the issue of prescriptivism and descriptivism, see Milroy and Milroy (1991), and
Crystal (1984).



64 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

to and This is the lady to whom I was talking co-exist. Prescriptive
writers favour the latter and condemn the former ('Never end a
sentence with a preposition'). Descriptive writers point out that
both usages are widespread, traditional (used in English since the
Middle Ages), and important, for they allow people to make a
difference in the formality of their expression: the former is more
colloquial than the latter. To condemn one version as 'bad grammar'
is to deny English users the stylistic option of switching styles,
when it is appropriate to do so, and thus reduces the versatility and
richness of the language.

Descriptivists do not like the narrow-minded intolerance and
misinformed purism of prescriptivists. Prescriptivists, correspond-
ingly, do not like the all-inclusiveness and egalitarian philosophy
of descriptivists, which they interpret as a lack of responsibility to-
wards what is best in a language. The controversy shows no sign
of going away, even after 250 years, with the arguments being re-
cycled by each generation, and refuelled by new developments in
society, such as broadcasting and, now, the Internet. What is of in-
terest, in the burgeoning Internet literature, is to see the way writ-
ers are struggling to maintain a bent which is naturally descriptive
and egalitarian in character while recognizing a prescriptive urge
to impose regularity and consistency on a world which otherwise
might spiral out of control. The situation is very reminiscent of
the one Samuel Johnson encountered when he began work on his
Dictionary?

When I took the first survey of my undertaking, I found our
speech copious without order, and energetick without rules;
wherever I turned my view, there was perplexity to be
disentangled, and confusion to be regulated; choice was to be
made out of boundless variety, without any established principle
of selection; adulterations were to be detected, without a settled
test of purity; and modes of expression to be rejected or received,
without the suffrages of any writers of classical reputation or
acknowledged authority.



3



The two Johnson quotations are from his Preface to A Dictionary of the English language
(1755).



Finding an identity 65

He might have been talking about the early years of the Internet.
Similar uncertainties underlie the series of questions which open
the pages of Wired Style-}

Writers today must navigate the shifting verbal currents of the
post-Gutenberg era. When does jargon end and a new vernacular
begin? Where's the line between neologism and hype? What's the
language of the global village? How can we keep pace with
technology without getting bogged down in buzzwords?

Johnson soon found that his prescriptive urges, fostered by the
attitudes of his acquaintances, were absurd:

Those who have been persuaded to think well of my design, will
require that it should fix our language, and put a stop to those
alterations which time and chance have hitherto been suffered to
make in it without opposition. With this consequence I will
confess that I flattered myself for a while; but now begin to fear that
I have indulged expectation which neither reason nor experience
can justify. . . . [no lexicographer] shall imagine that his dictionary
can embalm his language, and secure it from corruption and
decay, and that it is in his power to change sublunary nature, and
clear the world at once from folly, vanity, and affectation.

It is a conclusion that prescriptively minded Internet writers need
to bear in mind.

Most of the Netspeak authors are aware of the importance of
grounding their work in descriptive reality. The authors of Wired
Style, for example, are anxious to show that their ear is to the
electronic equivalent of the ground:

You might call Wired Style an experiment in nonlinear, networked
editing. When a new technical term, a bullshit buzzword, or an
especially gnarly acronym hits our screens, we send emails to
various editors and style divas. Wired Style is the result of these
online discussions, which are guided by actual usage rather than

rigid rules Like new media, Wired Style is dynamic and

rule-averse.



Hale and Scanlon (1999: 2), for both quotations.



66 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The approach is not quite as experimental as the authors think. It
is standard lexicographical practice to check observed neologisms
against a corpus of data, however it is derived. Some dictionaries,
such as the American Heritage, have long used panels of advisers to
judge the acceptability of contentious points, and in the late 1990s
the pages of English Todayprovided precisely such a forum for a new
style guide. 5 But it is good linguistics to make the effort to supple-
ment one's own intuition with the intuitions of others. Obtaining
opinions about usage does not imply an abdication of editorial re-
sponsibility, of course. Once the expert reactions have come in, the
editors have still to impose order on what is always a miscellany of
reactions, and make decisions over coverage and treatment. This is
where intuitions about 'actual usage' are sorely tested, and where it
is easy to allow decisions about what to include to be influenced by
such considerations as personal taste, personality, and marketing.
The lack of consensus can be easily seen from a comparison of the
coverage of any two Internet dictionaries. Cyberspeak also claims
to be a guide to common usage: 6

The lingo you'll find here is all in common currency, I assure you,
and you'll find none of the faux-hipsterisms which would only
have marked you as a hapless wannabe. I've also skipped over the
mountains of slang which, while absolutely authentic, aren't in
common use outside of a few specific research labs.

But it turns out that less than 25% of the headwords are shared
by Cyberspeak and Wired Style. Dictionaries are never identical in
their coverage, but when three-quarters of the words in one are
different from the other - yet both claim to be surveying the same
phenomenon, at more or less the same time (mid- 1 990s) - it is plain
that factors other than frequency of use are very much involved.
There would seem to be some difference of opinion, even among
the experts, as to what counts as acceptable Netspeak. And the way
manuals do not shirk condemning certain usages as unacceptable
suggests that the spirit of prescriptivism is more strongly present

5 See Peters (1998) and subsequent issues of English Today. 6 Ihnatko (1997: iv).



Finding an identity 67

than editorial denials suggest. It is very much present, in an intrusive
and arbitrary form, in the spell-check and grammar-check aids
provided by software packages (see p. 212).

A strong personal, creative spirit imbues Netspeak, as an emerg-
ing variety. Internet users are continually searching for vocabulary
to describe their experiences, to capture the character of the elec-
tronic world, and to overcome the communicative limitations of
its technology. The rate at which they have been coining new terms
and introducing playful variations into established ones has no par-
allel in contemporary language use. Doubtless it will all slow down
in due course; but as we begin the new millennium the editors who
have set up sites to monitor new usages report no diminution in
the rate at which proposals for fresh jargon are made. The Jargon
File, which records 'the language hackers use among themselves
for fun, social communication, and technical debate', is quite clear
about its innovative, ludic, dynamic properties: 7

Hackers . . . regard slang formation and use as a game to be played
for conscious pleasure. Their inventions thus display an almost
unique combination of the neotenous enjoyment of language-play
with the discrimination of educated and powerful intelligence.
Further, the electronic media which knit them together are fluid,
'hot' connections, well adapted to both the dissemination of new
slang and the ruthless culling of weak and superannuated
specimens.

Gareth Branwyn's Jargon watch is also illustrative, and his method
of handling the flood instructive: 8

When someone submits a term, we're not overly concerned about
its origins (although we prefer words that have established usage).



7 The introduction to the Jargon File (<http://www.tuxedo.org/~esr/jargon/html/>), a
work which as of August 2000 contained over 2,100 entries. The File has several senses
for hacker, of which the first one is: 'A person who enjoys exploring the details of pro-
grammable systems and how to stretch their capabilities, as opposed to most users, who
prefer to learn only the minimum necessary'. In general English usage, hacker has devel-
oped a pejorative sense: A malicious meddler who tries to discover sensitive information
by poking around'. This usage is deprecated by true hackers, who refer to such individuals
as crackers. Another online dictionary can be found at <www.netlingo.com>.

8 Branwyn (1997: Introduction).



68 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

If it strikes my fancy, I pass it down the editorial food chain. If after
passing through all the editor's [sic] hands it hasn't been given the
ax, I assume it's interesting and useful enough to get a shot in the
magazine. I fancy myself a sort of slang impresario. If a term
passes the editorial audition, I push it out onto the stage provided
by the magazine. If it bombs, it gets the hook and its career is
finished . . . If it's a big success, it ends up making the rounds of
email boxes, water coolers, and office cubicles, from Silicon Valley
to Silicon Alley 9 and beyond. The words that made it into the
column and this book are just a fraction of the terms submitted.

And he lists some of what he calls the 'scarier' submissions, by way
of illustration: e-gasm, javangelist, pornetgraphy, and Webference.
These he does not include. But there is no way of knowing, of
course, whether they will eventually enter the Internet lexicon
through some other door, or whether they will be included in some
other word-book edited by someone with different linguistic tastes.
Internet situations display a surprisingly large number of guide-
lines, principles, rules, and regulations relating to the way people
should linguistically behave once they engage in computer-
mediated communication. These are both prescriptive and pre-
scriptive in character - helpful and informative insofar as they re-
flect real usage preferences, but needing to be viewed with caution
insofar as they represent a partial or prejudiced view of the online
userworld. Prejudices are widespread, in fact. Those who espouse
a particular technology, or a particular chatgroup or virtual world,
may scorn the terms belonging to another. And all hackers scorn
non-hackers: 10

As usual with slang, the special vocabulary of hackers helps hold
their culture together - it helps hackers recognize each other's
places in the community and expresses shared values and
experiences. Also as usual, not knowing the slang (or using it
inappropriately) defines one as an outsider, a mundane, or (worst
of all in hackish vocabulary) possibly even a suit.



An area of lower Manhattan that has a high concentration of computer and multimedia
firms, [entry from the dictionary]'.
10 Introduction to the Jargon File (see fn.7).



Finding an identity 69

A suit, according to the Jargon Vile, is 'ugly and uncomfortable
"business clothing" often worn by non-hackers'; and the Wired
Style definition is explicit: 11

Not a techie. Someone in management or bizdev (business
development) or marcom (marketing/communications).
Someone who thinks in profits rather than programs and cares
more about the bottom line than lines of code.

Hackers are plainly very aware of their identity as members of an
Internet culture (more precisely, a collection of subcultures), dat-
ing from the earliest days, proud of their common background and
values, and conscious of their expertise. Most of the style manuals
include a characterization of the hacker mindset and skills. The
'hacker ethic' has two main principles, according to the Jargon File:
'the belief that information-sharing is a powerful positive good,
and that it is an ethical duty of hackers to share their expertise
by writing open-source and facilitating access to information and
to computing resources wherever possible', and (more controver-
sially) 'the belief that system- cracking for fun and exploration is
ethically OK as long as the cracker commits no theft, vandalism, or
breach of confidentiality'. Hackers have to have certain skills - such
as a knowledge of programming and an ability to write HTML
(p. 205). But the hacker mindset is just as important. There are five
characteristics of the 'hacker attitude' noted by the Jargon File:

The world is full of fascinating problems waiting to be solved.

Nobody should ever have to solve a problem twice.

Boredom and drudgery are evil.

Freedom is good.

Attitude is no substitute for competence.

And a further five recommendations for aspiring hackers:

• Learn to write your native language well.

• Read science fiction.

• Study Zen, and/or take up martial arts.

11 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 157).



70 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

• Develop an analytical ear for music.

• Develop your appreciation of puns and wordplay

These characteristics will obviously bias the recommendations of
the style guides. We respond to 'the voice of the quirky, individualist
writer', say the authors of Wired Style, in expounding one of their
principles (see below), and they recommend: 'play with voice'.

As hackers built the Internet and gave physical presence to its var-
ious situations, they have naturally developed a sense of ownership
of Netspeak which is reflected in the attitudes of the current genera-
tion of dictionaries and style guides. But the beast they have created
is now so large that it is beyond ownership. The hacker commu-
nity is but a tiny part of the online population, and the linguistic
intuitions and preferences of such vast numbers are immensely
variable and impossible to control. Quirky, individualist writers
there will be among them; but there will also be huge numbers of
non-quirky, conservative writers, who don't read science fiction,
study Zen, or go in for wordplay. For every one hacker, there are
probably a thousand suits - and suits of many different linguistic
fabrics. The future of Netspeak, then, is very much bound up with
the extent to which hacker-originated language and style has de-
veloped a sufficiently stable and powerful identity to motivate new
Internet users to use it, or whether these users will introduce fresh
linguistic directions, evolving norms of stylistic usage which owe
nothing to hacker origins, and which avoid the playful and esoteric
features so much in evidence now. Although the linguistic features
described below are those which are currently in widespread use,
several of them figuring largely in Internet guides, any of them
could have a limited future.



Making the rules explicit

But this is to be looking well ahead. For the moment, the guides
and dictionaries have an important role introducing newbies to
the Internet, giving advice and instruction about how to behave if
they want their communications to be successful. Several general



Finding an identity 71

expositions about netiquette are available, and the topic turns up
regularly in the press. 12 Certain behaviours are universally open
to correction. An example would be the linguistic consequences
of using the technology incorrectly - such as an e-mail which had
a subject heading but no content, or a multiply repeated signa-
ture, or the inadvertent repeated sending of a single message. Also
universally condemned are ethical violations, such as forwarding
private mail without permission, or editing someone else's mes-
sage without permission. Inappropriate language, such as flaming,
is also widely criticised. Many sites provide advice which users are
encouraged to read before they enter. Chatgroups usually provide
FAQs (Frequently Asked Questions) which explain the basic rules
that new participants should follow - for example, which topics
are disallowed, how to refer to others' messages, and what sort of
behaviour is banned.

People who fail to conform to these guidelines risk sanctions,
such as explicit correction by other participants (from a jocular
chiding to a severe flaming) or, the ultimate penalty, being ex-
cluded from the group (by the group moderator, or, sometimes,
through an automatic filter) or having an account cancelled by
the offender's service-provider. In virtual worlds, players who are
seriously nonconformist can be gagged or toaded (their fantasy
character is altered to appear ugly: see p. 176). The presence of
moderators in chatgroups or wizards in games is itself an interest-
ing convention - the recognition by participants that some kind of
external presence is needed to avoid anarchy and to resolve internal
disputes, even at the expense of the personal freedom which is sup-
posed to be a feature of Internet presence. Without them, it would
be easy for flaming exchanges to spiral out of control or for lengthy
off-topic discussions to intrude. A degree of linguistic control is
sometimes imposed automatically, as in those programmes which
replace expletives by asterisks or euphemisms. The controls can
also lead to second-order discussions (metadiscussions), in which
participants debate the rules themselves and how they have been



12 For example, Shea ( 1994). On standards of conduct generally, see McLaughlin, Osborne,
and Smith (1994).



72 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

applied, in individual instances. It can take a chatgroup away from
its theme for days.

Such explicit guidance is unusual in the real world. We do not
expect to see, as we move around, directions about how we should
behave, other than in a few specific circumstances, as in the case
of road signs and keeping off the grass. Linguistic directions are
only provided in specialist settings (e.g. the use of correct forms
of address in a military context or in law courts), form-filling (e.g.
whether to use capital letters, where to sign), and a few other sit-
uations. We are not usually instructed, as we enter a shop, about
how the staff should be addressed, acknowledged, and thanked; nor
would we expect any such instruction. The reason is obvious: we
have a lifetime of experience behind us from which we have learned
the conventions of interaction. Our parents or caretakers spent un-
remembered hours teaching us the pragmatic rules of the language
('Say ta', T haven't heard that little word yet' (viz. please), 'Don't
talk like that to the vicar', T won't have language like that in
here'), and our schoolteachers followed this up with more advanced
lessons in formal politeness, letter-writing, report writing, and a
range of other linguistic skills. Usage guides and style manuals are
available for those who, having come through the educational sys-
tem, remain uncertain of what counts as appropriate language;
but these tend to deal only with contentious points of usage vari-
ation (such as those illustrated on p. 63), and not with broad
issues of interaction, which are assumed to be known. This is a rea-
sonable assumption. In everyday conversation, we do not expect
to find moderators who tell us whether we are off-topic, saying
something unacceptable, or going too far (though there are al-
ways self-appointed ones). That is for an Orwellian (1984) kind of
world.

But with the Internet, explicit linguistic guidance is routine,
varying from popular advice to detailed manuals of behaviour.
One newspaper article on e-mail etiquette 13 provides a series



13 David Thomas (2000). At the same time, some popular accounts of the Internet give the
impression that new users will encounter no problems: 'If you're new to the Internet,
the important thing to remember is that going online doesn't require any special techy
skills or knowhow' ('This is the Internet', series produced by the Independent and the



Finding an identity 73

of specific guidelines. There are parent-like instructions: 'Don't
techno bully' (by being rude if someone is technically inept); 'Say
something nice' (by sending thank-you notes); 'Mind your man-
ners' (by keeping a check on what you write). There are teacher-
like directions (on how to address someone; on thinking about
a message's content before sending it; on not mass mailing).
And there is common-sensical advice: 'Always check your mes-
sages'; 'Never e-dump lovers.' The article displays the charac-
teristics of the genre. It is experience-driven, showing aware-
ness of a range of problems arising in daily Internet use: 'Never
write messages in capital letters - it's the e-mail equivalent of shout-
ing.' At the same time there is an element of prescriptivism: 'When
writing to someone called Bob, don't use the fuddy-duddy "Dear
Bob", but simply "Bob".' And there is a strong element of personal
taste: 'Some etiquette experts feel that invitations, acceptances and
messages of thanks should always be sent via old-fashioned post,
rather than e-mail, but I disagree.'

The ideal guide to Netspeak would be one grounded in system-
atic empirical observation, providing a representative corpus of
material which would reflect the frequency with which Internet
situations use and vary particular structures. But it takes a long
time to carry out such descriptive linguistic surveys. 14 No e-corpus
of this kind yet exists, and so it is inevitable that guides, whether in
article or book form, will contain a great deal that is subjective, ex-
pressing personal or institutional taste. There is nothing wrong with
impressionistic accounts, of course, in the early stages of getting to
grips with a subject; indeed, they have their value in suggesting
hypotheses about the nature of its language, which can guide re-
search. The problem comes when impressionistic statements are
cast as prescriptions, explicitly or implicitly. There is then a real
risk that a biased account of Internet language will emerge, reflect-
ing only the interests and background of the individual author,
publication, or organization which produced it. If such accounts



Independent on Sunday, no date, but early 2000, Part 1). It all depends on what is meant
by 'techy', of course, but the spirit of this statement does not match the linguistic reality.
For example, Biber, Johansson, Leech, Conrad, and Finegan (1999).



74 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

are then taken or promoted as guides to the Internet in general, an
unhelpful prescriptivism can be the result, similar in its naivety, un-
reality, and oversimplification to that encountered in the grammar
books of old.

All these dangers can be seen in the newspaper article summa-
rized above; and they are present in more sophisticated, book-
length accounts too. For example, the editors of Wired magazine
make ten recommendations in their handbook Wired Style, five to
do with writing prose online, and five to do with ensuring consis-
tency in spelling and punctuation. 15 The principles seem to have
been compiled with a Wired readership in mind; but, as the quo-
tation on p. 65 suggests, and as the book's blurb makes clear, the
exposition is being offered to a wider world as 'the guide for navi-
gating the informal waters of digital prose'. The principles them-
selves are uncontentious, to my mind, and are summarized in
Table 3.1. Several are well grounded in linguistic thinking; others
are no different from those which inform the corresponding dis-
cussions of copy-editing in conventional publishing. 16 But when
they are interpreted as being applicable to an audience that goes
beyond that of Wired, there are grounds for concern, as can be seen
from a discussion of the first two.

The first principle, headed 'The medium matters', requires the
language to suit the technology: 'we need to craft our messages to
suit the medium and its audience'. The linguistic recommendations
which follow are: for e-mail, 'Think blunt bursts and sentence frag-
ments. Writing that is on-the-fly - even frantic' 'Pith and punch
also define posting on the Web, The Well, wherever.' And they am-
plify this accordingly:

Look to the Web not for embroidered prose, but for the sudden
narrative, the dramatic story told in 150 words. Text must be
complemented by clever interface design and clear graphics.
Think brilliant ad copy, not long-form literature. Think pert,
breezy pieces almost too ephemeral for print. Think turned-up
volume - cut lines that are looser, grabbier, more tabloidy. Think
distinctive voice or attitude.



15 Hale and Scanlon (1999). Quotations are from pp. 3-24.

16 For example, Butcher (1992).



Finding an identity



75



Table 3.1. Wired Style's ten usage principles, with some explanatory
comment (after Hale and Scanlon, 1999). References are to pages.



1 'The medium
matters'



2 'Play with



3 'Flaunt your
subcultural
literacy'



4 'Transcend the
technical'



5 'Capture the

colloquial'

6 'Anticipate the

future'



7 'Be irreverent'



'In a world of scarce bandwidth, small screens,
and evermore media sources competing for our
attention, every word and sentence must score a
high signal-to-noise ratio.' (p. 3)
There should be linguistic inventiveness,
creativity, play, in the form of new words and
odd constructions. 'Celebrate subjectivity. Write
with attitude. Play with voice.' (p. 9)
Most Net audiences are relatively small groups
who have their own identity and behaviour, and
will share a certain background and style.
'Consider your own context. Narrowcast. Talk to
your audience. Speak the culture.' (p. 9)
'Grasp the technologies, then describe them
with vivid language and clear metaphors.'
(p. 11). True jargon 'is lucid language and can be
as elegant as it is meaningful. It's denotation:
concrete, specific, direct, and necessary' (p. 10)
'At Wired, we write geek and we write street. We
insist on accuracy and literacy, but we celebrate
the colloquial.' (p. 11)

'Language moves in one predictable direction:
forward.' (p. 12) 'We say, "Grow the language.'"
(p. 13) This involves welcoming neologisms,
simplifying spellings, avoiding capitals, and
removing hyphens from compound words.
'Know your audiences well enough to violate
journalism's cardinal rules and to toy with
conventions.' The recommendation: 'Welcome
inconsistency, especially in the interest of voice
and cadence. Treat the institutions and players in
your world with a dose of irreverence. Play with
grammar and syntax. Appreciate unruliness.'
(p. 15)

(Continued)



76

Table 3.1. (cont.)



LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET



8 'Brave the
new world of
new media'



9 'Go global'



10 'Play with
dots and
dashes and
slashes'



This is a fairly orthodox account of the need to
maintain typographical conventions (italics,
quotes, capitals) to separate title from plaintext.
Wired makes its distinctions (for names of films,
songs, albums, Web sites, Internet services, etc.)
just like any other publisher would.
'Yes, we write in English, but in these Webbed
times, writing from a US-centric perspective is
hopelessly outdated.' (p. 21) Style shifts maybe
necessary, for such things as date-expression,
phone number style, and prices. For foreign
words, 'don't be lazy or xenophobic - take the
time to figure out correct spellings and accent
marks.' (p. 21) 'Writing with a global perspective
means being cosmopolitan: enjoying the best of
other cultures and tongues, and resisting the
impulse to put foreign ideas and phrases through
a bottom-feeder filter.' (p. 21)
They draw attention to the clash between copy-
editors and coders, in writing on or about the
Net. 'Online, publishing meets programming -
and punctuation leads a double life.' (p. 22)



The message is clear about what the editors would like Netspeak to
be, and doubtless readers of Wired find this style congenial. But gen-
eralizing the point is problematic, for a great deal of apparently suc-
cessful Internet communication does not conform to it. I receive in-
numerable e-mails which are anything but fragmented sentences; I
read innumerable Web sites where the content demands longer and
more sophisticated exposition. It is unlikely that a single principle
of economy could ever explain the variety of uses, intentions, tastes,
and effects which give the Internet its character. 'Tabloidy' might
appeal to one type of readership, but it will appal others. And it is
because the Internet copes with both extremes of user, allowing a
broad spectrum of users in between, that it is becoming so universal.
Any style guide which promotes one variety of language at
the expense of another is prescriptive. Traditional prescriptivism



Finding an identity 11

privileged writing over speech, formality over informality. Internet
manuals are doing the reverse. It is prescriptivism nonetheless. And
it is a worrying kind of prescriptivism because it is doing precisely
what the old grammars did - reducing the potential richness and
versatility of a medium of communication. It should be possible to
make use of the Internet for formal as well as for informal purposes,
to express elaborate as well as succinct messages. The more we can
express stylistic contrasts and nuances in Netspeak, the more pow-
erful a linguistic medium it will be. I have no problem at all with
the many e-mails I receive which begin 'Dear David' (contraven-
ing the newspaper advice above). I can see immediately that such
messages are more formal than those which begin 'Dave baby', or
whatever. And I can also see a functional contrast with those which
begin with no name at all, such as this morning's junk-mail which
tells me directly, and without naming me at all, that I can be a
millionaire by the weekend and have my sex-drive improved at
the same time. Other address variations exist, such as the location
of the addressee's name at the top or integrated within the first
sentence, and these convey further expressive nuances. Internet
guides need to recognize the presence of all these options, which
help to make Netspeak a more powerful and expressive medium,
rather than to go for one and reject the others. The relevant Wired
Style section concludes: 'On the web, you forget your audience
at your peril', which is wise advice, linguistically well-grounded.
But no single stylistic recommendation can suit the expecta-
tions of the range of audiences that the Internet is now reaching.
And to advocate one (albeit unintentionally) is to be unhelpfully
prescriptive.

Wired Style's second principle leads to a similar conclusion. It
is headed 'Play with voice', a phrase repeated in its summary:
'Celebrate subjectivity. Write with attitude. Play with voice.' Voice
here refers to the personal element in communication:

We respond to voice. Not the clear-but-oh-so-conventional voice
of Standard Written English. Not the data-drowned voice of
computer trade journals. And not the pureed voice of the
mainstream press. The voice of the quirky, individualist writer.



78 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The authors go on to describe how voice 'captures the way people
talk' and 'adds attitude and authenticity'. They illustrate this by a
science-fiction example, from which we may deduce that the de-
sired style privileges the use of linguistic inventiveness, creativity,
and play, in the form of new words and odd constructions. 'Writ-
ing with voice', they say, 'might mean going for the unexpected, the
rough-edged, the over-the-top'. It is reinforced by their principle
(7), 'Be irreverent', which translates into linguistic recommenda-
tions as follows:

Welcome inconsistency, especially in the interest of voice and
cadence. Treat the institutions and players in your world with a
dose of irreverence. Play with grammar and syntax. Appreciate
unruliness.

As with principle (1), there is nothing wrong with the appeal to
a personal element in linguistic expression and the promotion of
the ludic, creative function of language. Indeed, I am on record
myself as advocating a greater attention to language play in our
appreciation of linguistic interaction . 17 And any periodical has the
right to do what it likes, by way of formulating a ludic language
policy. But as soon as this policy is extended to the Internet as a
whole, we encounter problems.

It is plainly unreal to think of restricting the Internet only to
quirky, individualist writers, or to exclude writers of a more con-
ventional or reverent leaning. The Internet is a home to all kinds
of writing, including the trade journals and the newspapers, and
these all have a right to their own style, too. Indeed, it is precisely
these styles which provide the norms of usage to which writers
of a more idiosyncratic bent can react. Norms - standard written
English norms - are critical, if personal effects are to be appreci-
ated; for if everybody breaks the rules, rule-breaking ceases to be
novel. The antagonism to standard written English (or standard
written French, or German . . .) is misplaced, therefore, for it will

17 Crystal (1998).



Finding an identity 79

maintain its place on the Internet as it does everywhere else in so-
ciety. Indeed, it is unusual to see material on the Net written in
non-standard English - such as regional dialect. 18 The vast major-
ity of Web pages are in standard English. Most of my e-mails are in
standard English - some very colloquial, but nonetheless respecting
the conventions of the standard written language. Notwithstanding
the idiosyncrasy of chatgroup and virtual worlds language, a great
deal of it is written in standard English. And if we add up all the
non-standard English (or perhaps I should say, not-yet-standard
English) which is described in chapters 4-7, it is still only a small
part of the language used on the Internet as a whole. In which case,
principle (2), if used to fuel a general recommendation about Net-
speak usage, hides another manifestation of prescriptivism. One
style of language is being advocated as a norm, to the apparent
exclusion of others, and apparently flying in the face of the bulk of
Internet usage.

Similar arguments could be adduced about other recommenda-
tions in Table 3.1. 'Celebrate the colloquial' (principle 5) is a fine
principle, but there are many occasions where it proves equally
necessary to 'celebrate the formal'. It is an axiom of linguistics that
all varieties of language must be celebrated, for each contributes a
dimension to the rich mosaic of expressive effects that constitutes a
language. It is understandable that, as the new medium grows,
with all its exciting possibilities, the stylistic pendulum should
swing away from the traditions of formal written language. In
chapter 2, I reviewed some of the factors which have made this
inevitable. But only an inclusive view of Netspeak will represent
the reality of what is actually 'out there' in Internet situations.
The same point applies to principle (4), 'Transcend the technical',
which appeals to vividness and clarity. Clarity is crucial; indeed,
it is a conversational maxim (p. 58). But one person's lucidity is
another person's nightmare, and vice versa. Wired Style condemns



18 The Dialectizer, with a straight face, converts standard English sentences into a number
of 'equivalent' dialect forms: <http://www.rinkworks.com/dialect/>.



80 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

(inter alia) turnkey, interoperability, and ease of use, on the grounds
that they are 'overused', along with 'anything starting with e-, cyber-,
or techno-. But the only result of using proscriptions of this kind
is to distance the proscriber from the facts of online usage. They
may not like the words, but the recognition that they are 'overused'
reflects a usage reality that currently exists. Individuals have always
tried to stop words coming into a language, and they have always
failed.

Publications such as Wired Style have their place as part of a cli-
mate of opinion which will eventually help to shape Netspeak. The
principles are important statements, as they make explicit a set of
intuitions about language which are likely to be influential. Under
principle (6), for example, 'Anticipate the future', they include such
'style commandments' as 'Save a keystroke' and 'When in doubt,
close it up.' The former is illustrated by the replacement of initial
capital letters by lower-case letters - as in webmaster and telnet. The
latter refers to the trend for originally spaced compound words to
become hyphenated and then written solid (as in such everyday
examples as flower pot, flower-pot, and flowerpot) . The authors are
well aware that this is a regular feature of linguistic change, and they
are keen to hasten the process: 'Go there now.' They recommend
startup, homepage, and email, and solid setting for some syntactic
constructions too, such as logon and whois. 'The way of the Net is
just not a hyphenated way' Comments of this kind are bound to
influence people (such as myself) who have no idea what is nor-
mal usage, in Internet situations. I have always spelled e-mail with
a hyphen, and have done so in this book. Whether I change to
email in due course will depend on whether a consensus emerges.
The problem is that, at present, the books I have been referring
to vary in their recommendations: Branwyn uses email; but Ih-
natko and almost all the manuals I discuss in chapter 4 use e-mail.
I have no aesthetic axe to grind, and the presence of the additional
keystroke is not going to have a serious effect upon my life. Even-
tually, one standard of usage will prevail, and it may well be the
solid form. In the meantime, it is important to recognize the fact



Finding an identity 8 1

that there is a great deal of divided usage in Netspeak, and to treat
with caution those guides which come down on one side or the
other.

A systematic description of the features of Netspeak, as encoun-
tered in different Internet situations, is a new goal of descriptive
linguistic research. At present, the distinct purposes and proce-
dures involved in e-mailing, chatgroups, virtual worlds, and the
Web make for significant differences between them (these are re-
viewed in chapters 4-7). At the same time, there is considerable
overlap, because elements of one situation are now routinely in-
corporated within another (p. 14) - such as e-mails at a Web site,
or Web attachments to an e-mail. And there seems to be a consider-
able mutual influence between situations. For example, the kind of
abbreviations illustrated below may have historically originated in
one situation (such as a particular chatgroup) but they have since
spread to others. Chatgroup acronyms - words made from the ini-
tial letters of other words - such as LOL ('Laughing Out Loud') are
now encountered in the other situations. It is therefore possible to
begin making some observations about the kind of language which
seems to be typical of the Internet domain as a whole. It is not yet
possible to make judgements about frequency or preferences; the
examples below are illustrative, not comprehensive. But they do
make a strong case for the emergence of a new kind of English.



Some features of Netspeak

One of the most obvious - but not thereby less significant - fea-
tures is the lexicon that belongs exclusively to the Internet, and
which is encountered when someone enters any of its situations (see
chapter 1). This lexicon does not include the terminology associ-
ated with computer science, programming, electronics, and other
relevant subjects. Terms such as cable, disk, bit, binary, and com-
puter form part of the jargon of science and technology which
extends well beyond the Net. By contrast, a large number of words



82 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

and phrases have emerged which are needed to talk about Internet-
restricted situations, operations, activities, and personnel, making
this one of the most creative lexical domains in contemporary En-
glish, involving all major lexical processes. 19

Many terms are associated with the software which enables peo-
ple to use the Internet, and which routinely appear on screen. Some
have a permanent presence (albeit in hidden menus), in the form of
the labels used to designate screen areas and functions, and to spec-
ify user options and commands: file, edit, view, insert, paste, format,
tools, window, help, search, refresh, address, history, stop, contact, top,
back, forward, home, send, save, open, close, select, toolbars, fonts, op-
tions. Some terms appear only at intervals on a screen, depending
on circumstances - usually, when things are going wrong, in the
form of error messages (there seem to be no positive messages to tell
us that everything is going right) : forbidden, illegal operation, error,
not found, 404 error ['a page or site is no longer in service'] . Several
terms are associated with the use of computer hardware: freeze,
lock, down, hang, crash, bomb, client (the machine, not the user).
And terms have emerged for the population of Internet users them-
selves: netizens, netters, netties, netheads, cybersurfers, nerds, bozos,
newbies, surfers, digiterati, wizards, lusers ['users who are losers'],
wannabees ['aspiring hackers who can't hack'] . Most of these words
are everyday terms which have been given a fresh sense in an Inter-
net context.

A popular method of creating Internet neologisms is to combine
two separate words to make a new word, or compound. Some el-
ements turn up repeatedly: mouse in such forms as mouseclick,
mousepad, mouseover and also as a phrasal verb (mouse across,
mouse over); click in click- and-buy, one-click, cost-per- click, double-
click, click- and-mortar [an e-commerce strategy, from bricks-
and-mortar], clickthrough rate ['measure of pageviews']; ware
in firmware, freeware, groupware, shareware, shovelware, wetware
['brain']; web in webcam, webcast, webmail, webliography, web-
master, webonomics, webster, webzine, webhead ['Web addict']; net

19 On types of word-formation, see Bauer (1983).



Finding an identity 83

in netlag, netdead, netnews, hypernet, Usenet, Netspeak, EcoNet,
PeaceNet, and many other organizational names; hot in hotlist,
hotspot, hotlink, Hotmail, HotBot, Hotjava, and other trade names;
and bug ['software error'] in bug fix, bugtracker, bug bash ['hunt
for bugs'], BugNet. Similar in function are the use of cyber- and
hyper- as prefixes or combining forms (cyberspace, cyberculture, cy-
berlawyer, cybersex, cybersquatter, cyberian, cyber rights; hypertext,
hyperlink, hyper fiction, hyperzine) and the suffixal use of -bot [an
artificial intelligence program, from robot], as in annoybot, chat-
terbot, knowbot, cancelbot, softbot, mailbot, spybot. Other prefixes
include e- (influential in the language as a whole, p. 21); V- ['vir-
tual'], as in V-chat; and E [for a number raised to a power, from
mathematics], as in ThanksE6 ['Thanks a million']. The word at,
often shown as @ (p. 21), also has an increasingly prefixal function:
atcommand, atsign, @-party, @-address, @Home; this too has come
to be influential in non-Internet settings. And a productive future
may be in store for the suffix -icon, as people derive words based
on emoticon — such as assicon. Blends (in which part of one word
is joined to part of another) are illustrated by netiquette, netizen,
infonet, cybercide ['the killing of apersonain a virtual worlds game'],
datagram, infobahn, Internaut, Bugzilla ['a bug-tracking agency'].
An innovation is the replacement of a word-element by a similar
sounding item, as in ecruiting ['electronic recruiting'] , ecruiter, and
etailing ['electronic retailing'] . Another is the retaining of the period
found in electronic addresses within certain compounds, as a kind
of infix, seen in net.legend, net.abuse, net.police, and net.citizen, or
sites beginning with alt. (with the punctuation mark often spoken
aloud as 'dot'). As already noted (p. 20), dot is itself increasing
in frequency, as in dot address, dot file, dotcom organizations. Re-
duced sentences and phrases may appear as words, as in the whois
instruction (for looking up names in a remote database) and
whowhere (a means of finding a person's e-address by entering
a name and location).

Other means of word- creation are also used, at least in the play-
ful jargon used by hackers. It is not clear just how widespread
or influential individual coinages are, but in aggregate they are



84 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

certainly a noticeable feature of many Netspeak conversations. Lex-
ical suffixes are often extended. For example, the noun-forming
suffix -ity (as in standard English briefs brevity) might be used
in dubiosity (from dubious), obviosity (from obvious), and other
such -ous instances. Other popular ludic Netspeak extensions
include -itude (winnitude, hackitude, geekitude), -full (folderfull,
windowfull, screenfull, bufferfull), and -ification(hackification,geek-
ification). In a development which will cause delight to all Anglo-
Saxonists, the -en plural of oxen is found with some words ending
in -x, such as boxen, vaxen ['VAX computers'], matrixen, and bixen
['users of BIX', an information exchange system] - a usage which
could well increase, given that so many computing names end in
-X. Word-class conversion is important, too, usually from noun to
verb: to mouse, to clipboard, to geek out ['talk technically'], to 404
['be unable to find a page'] .

The various types of abbreviation found in Netspeak have been
one of its most remarked features. Acronyms are so common that
they regularly receive critical comment, as observed by Steve G.
Steinberg, quoted in Wired Style: 20 'When it comes to technology,
the greater the number of acronyms, the higher the bullshit factor'.
A tiny sample would include BBS ['bulletin board system'], BCC
['blind carbon copy'], DNS ['domain name system'], FAQ ['fre-
quently asked question'], HTML ['hypertext markup language'],
ISP ['Internet Service Provider'], URL ['uniform resource loca-
tor'], MUDs and MOOs (see chapter 6), and the names of many
firms and sites, such as AOL, IBM, IRC. Letter-plus-number com-
binations are also found: W3C ['World Wide Web Consortium'],
3Com [a data-networking organization - the Corns standing for
Computer, Communications, Compatibility], P3P ['Platform for
Privacy Preferences'], Go2Net. The chatgroups and virtual worlds
also have their abbreviations, some of which turn up on e-mail
and in personal Web pages. 21 Some of the commonest ones are
listed in Table 3.2. Newer technology, such as the WAP-phones
['Wireless Application Protocol'] with their tiny screens, have

20 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 188). 21 Alist is available at <http://www.netlingo.com>.



Finding an identity

Table 3.2. Some abbreviations used in Netspeak conversations
(both upper- and lower-case forms are used).*



85



afaik


as far as I know


hhok


ha ha only kidding


afk


away from keyword


hth


hope this helps


asap


as soon as possible


ianal


I'm not a lawyer, but. . .


a/s/1


age/sex/location


ic


I see; [in MUDs] in


atw


at the weekend




character


awhfy


are we having fun yet?


icwum


I see what you mean


bbfn


bye bye for now


idk


I don't know


bbl


be back later


iirc


if I remember correctly


bcnu


be seeing you


imho


in my humble opinion


b4


before


imi


I mean it


bfd


big fucking deal


imnsho


in my not so humble


bg


big grin




opinion


brb


be right back


imo


in my opinion


btw


by the way


iou


I owe you


cfc


call for comments


iow


in other words


civ


call for votes


irl


in real life


cm


call me


jam


just a minute


cu


see you


j4f


just for fun


cul


see you later


jk


just kidding


cul8r


see you later


kc


keep cool


cya


see you


khuf


know how you feel


dk


don't know


I8r


later


dur?


do you remember?


lol


laughing out loud


eod


end of discussion


m8


mate


f?


friends?


mtfbwu


may the force be with you


fotcl


falling off the chair


na


no access




laughing


nc


no comment


f2f


face-to-face


np


no problem


fwiw


for what it's worth


nwo


no way out


fya


for your amusement


obtw


oh by the way


fyi


for your information


o4u


only for you


g


grin


oic


oh I see


gal


get a life


otoh


on the other hand


gd&r


grinning ducking and


pmji


pardon my jumping in




running


ptmm


please tell me more


gmta


great minds think alike


rip


rest in peace


gr8


great


rotf


rolling on the floor


gsoh


good sense of humour


rotfl


rolling on the floor laughing
(Continued)



86




LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET


Table 3.2. (cont.)






rtfm


read the fucking


tuvm


thank you very much




manual


tx


thanks


rtm


read the manual


tyvm


thank you very


ruok


are you OK?




much


sc


stay cool


wadr


with all due respect


smtoe


sets my teeth on edge


wb


welcome back


so


significant other


w4u


waiting for you


sohf


sense of humour


wrt


with respect to




failure


wtfigo


what the fuck is


sol


sooner or later




going on?


t+


think positive


wtg


way to go


ta4n


that's all for now


Wll


what's up?


tafn


that's all for now


wuwh


wish you were here


thx


thanks


X!


typical woman


tia


thanks in advance


Y!


typical man


tmot


trust me on this


yiu


yes I understand


tnx


thanks


2bctnd


to be continued


ttfn


ta-ta for now


2d4


to die for


tttt


to tell the truth


2g4u


too good for you


t2ul


talk to you later


218


too late


ttyl


talk to you later


4e


forever


ttytt


to tell you the truth


4yeo


for your eyes only



a Not all are found in every situation. Some refer to specific chatgroup
interactions (e.g. afk) and procedures (e.g. c/v), or are more likely in
text-messaging (p. 229).



motivated a whole new genre of abbreviated forms. The acronyms
are no longer restricted to words or short phrases, but can be
sentence-length: AYSOS ['Are you stupid or something?'], CID
['Consider it done'], CIO ['Check it out'], GTG ['Got to go'], WDYS
['What did you say?']. Individual words can be reduced to two or
three letters: PLS ['please'], THX or TX ['thanks'], WE ['whatever'].
Some are like rebuses, in that the sound value of the letter or nu-
meral acts as a syllable of a word, or are combinations of rebus
and letter initial: B4N ['Bye For Now'], CYL ['See you later'], L8R
['later']. Further examples are given on p. 229.



Finding an identity 87

Distinctive graphology is also an important feature of Netspeak.
The range extends from an enhanced system (by comparison with
traditional writing) with a wide range of special fonts and styles, as
in the most sophisticated Web pages, to a severely reduced system,
with virtually no typographic contrastivity (not even such 'basic'
features as italics or boldface), as in many e-mails and chatgroup
conversations. All orthographic features have been affected. For
example, the status of capitalization varies greatly. Most of the In-
ternet is not case-sensitive, which thus motivates the random use of
capitals or no capitals at all. There is a strong tendency to use lower-
case everywhere. The 'save a keystroke' principle is widely found
in e-mails, chatgroups, and virtual worlds, where whole sentences
can be produced without capitals (or punctuation):

John are you going to london next week

The lower-case default mentality means that any use of capitaliza-
tion is a strongly marked form of communication. Messages wholly
in capitals are considered to be 'shouting', and usually avoided (see
p. 35); words in capitals add extra emphasis (with asterisks and
spacing also available):

This is a VERY important point.
This is a * very * important point.
This is a v e r y important point.

There are, however, certain contexts where capitals need to be rec-
ognized. Domain names in Web addresses are lowercase; but path-
names (after the first slash) are case-sensitive. A capital letter maybe
obligatory in a business name (especially if trade-marked). Indeed,
a distinctive feature of Internet graphology is the way two capitals
are used - one initial, one medial - a phenomenon variously called
bicapitalization (BiCaps), intercaps, incaps, and midcaps. Some style
guides inveigh against this practice, but it is widespread:

AltaVista, RetrievalWare, ScienceDirect, ThomsonDirect,
NorthernLight, PostScript, PowerBook, DreamWorks, GeoCities,
Earthlink, PeaceNet, SportsZone, HotWired, CompuServe,

Askjeeves.



88 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

More complex examples include QuarkXPress and aRMadillo On-
line. Some of the new names cause difficulty, in that long-standing
orthographic conventions are contravened: for example, sentences
can begin with small letters, as in eBay is interested or iMac is the
answer, a problem that faces anyone who wants to start a sentence
with a lower-case username or program command.

Spelling practice is also distinctive. In English, US spelling is
more common than British, partly for historical reasons (the ori-
gins of the Internet), and partly for reasons of economy, most US
spellings being a character shorter than British ones ( colorvs colour,
fetus vs foetus, etc.). New spelling conventions have emerged, such
as the replacement of plural -sby -zto refer to pirated versions of
software, as in warez, tunez, gamez, serialz, pornz, downloadz, and
filez. Non-standard spelling, heavily penalized in traditional writ-
ing (at least, since the eighteenth century), is used without sanction
in conversational settings. Spelling errors in an e-mail would not be
assumed to be an indication of lack of education (though they may
be) but purely a function of typing inaccuracy. Opinions vary (see
chapter 4) . Chatgroups and virtual worlds also make a great deal of
use of non-standard spellings which reflect pronunciation, such as
yep, yup, yay, nope, noooo, for yes and no, or such forms as kay and
sokay ['It's OK']. Emotional expressions of horror, shock, and the
like make use of varying numbers of vowels and consonants, de-
pending on the ferocity of the emotion: aaaiiieee, yayyyyyyy. Some
deviant spellings have become so widely used as to be virtually stan-
dard in this variety, such as phreak, phreaker, phreaking for freak
(etc.). Some are still restricted to certain groups of users, such as
the -y- spelling (from byte) introduced into certain expressions for
bit blocks of different sizes: tayste or tydbit (2 bits), nybble (4 bits),
playte (16 bits), and dynner (32 bits). The dollar sign sometimes
replaces S, if some sort of dig is being made about costs, as in
Micro$oft, and a £ sign can replace L, as in AO£. Teenage users, in
particular, have introduced several deviant spellings, such as kool
[cool] and fone [phone], and the replacement of a lower-case o
by a zero, as in dOOdz [dudes] and lOzers [losers], or percentage
sign, as in c%l. Among this group of users, the k is often used as



Finding an identity 89

an emphatic prefix, producing such forms as k-kool, k-awesome,
and k-k-allright. The extent to which deviant spellings and eso-
teric neologisms can be used to produce a cool jargon has been
dubbed leeguageby some. Ihnatko explains its etymology: 22 'Orig-
inally named in honor of Pamela Anderson Lee's bosom, which,
like this language, is completely unnatural, constructed with tor-
tuous effort, and conforms to some vaguely perceived standard no
one comprehends.' He gives an example: Hay! Odz r he wen 2 Radio
Hack 4 anu crys 4 hiz rainbow boxx! 23

Punctuation tends to be minimalist in most situations, and com-
pletely absent in some e-mails and chat exchanges. 24 It is an im-
portant area, for it is the chief means a language has for bringing
writing into direct contact with (the prosody and paralanguage of)
speech, as well as conveying a great deal of information about gram-
matical construction. For Naomi Baron, punctuation 'reveals how
writers view the balance between spoken and written language'. 25
A lot depends on personality: some e-mailers are scrupulous about
maintaining a traditional punctuation; others use it when they
have to, to avoid ambiguity; and some do not use it at all, either
as a consequence of typing speed, or through not realizing that
ambiguity can be one of the consequences. On the other hand,
there is an increased use of symbols not normally part of the tradi-
tional punctuation system, such as the #. 26 Unusual combinations
of punctuation marks can occur, such as (to express pause) ellipsis
dots (...) in any number, repeated hyphens (---), or the repeated use
of commas („„). Emphasis and attitude can result in exaggerated
or random use of punctuation, such as /////// or £$£$%!. Some



22 Ihnatko (1997: 112). 23 I don't understand it either.

24 This is not the only instance where punctuation is absent. Certain genres of legal language
do without it (Crystal and Davy, 1969), and it is absent or minimal in a great deal of
advertising copy, television captions, newspaper headlines, and other 'block language'
(Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech, and Svartvik, 1985: 845 ff.).

25 Baron (2000: 167).

26 A range of new slang names for punctuation marks has emerged: the # has been called
a hash, sharp, crunch, and cross-hatch; the tilde (~, used to mean 'about' or as part of
a Web address) has been called a squiggley; an exclamation mark is a bang, pling, excl,
shriek, smash, cuss, boing, yell, wow, hey, or wham, among others; the asterisk is a star,
splat, wildcard, dingle, spider, aster, times, or twinkle.



90 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

odd combinations of punctuation marks can appear at the end of a
sentence: 7s this true of Yahoo!? (where the exclamation mark is part
of the name) . All of these may of course also be found in traditional
informal writing. 27

Rather different are the symbols borrowed from programming
languages, which appear in hacker-influenced interactions, such
as an initial exclamation mark to express negation (! interesting —
not interesting) or an arrow to express location (dc ■*- holyhead —
'dc lives in holyhead'). And new combinations of punctuation
marks can be given fresh values, as in the case of smileys (p. 36).
Underbars are usually used to express underlining, as in the name
of a text, though other pairs of marks will be seen:

I've been reading _ Hamlet _
I've been reading #Hamlet#
I've been reading =Hamlet=
I've been reading XHamlet/

A potential contrastivity seems to be emerging, in the use of some
pairs, notably the scope of emphasis indicated by the asterisk. The
following two sentences convey rather different effects:

This is a * very * important point.
This is a * very * * important * * point.*

The latter is much slower and more emphatic. However, the asterisk
is still developing a range of other functions, and is at times used
somewhat idiosyncratically For example, some users mark imagi-
nary actions or facial expressions by asterisks (e.g. * grin * , * groan * ) ,
though a more widely used convention is the angle bracket (e.g.
<grin>, <groan>). Similarly, people use the caret ( A ) in a variety
of ways, sometimes as an emphasis signal, sometimes as part of
a more sophisticated convention, such as the A H sequence used
in one kind of programming notation to mark an erasure of the
preceding symbol. Hence, if someone typed

Hear what my mad A H A H A Hnice computer has done now.
27 For the contrast between formal and informal letters, see Crystal (1995: 402).



Finding an identity 91

this would be equivalent to saying

Hear what my nice computer has done now

but by showing the 'erased' element, the sentence adds an ironic
effect. Virtually any piece of programming notation might be en-
countered in hacker- influenced conversation, and thus end up as a
part of Netspeak in general. For example, the angle brackets used
in HTML in pairs, to indicate the beginning and end of a com-
mand (the latter preceded by a forward slash), can be seen in such
pseudo-instructions as:

<moan> I've got an interview tomorrow </moan>
< flame > You've got no sense at all < /flame >

The most general features of Netspeak distinctiveness are cur-
rently found chiefly in graphology and the lexicon - the levels of
language where it is relatively easy to introduce innovation and
deviation. As with language change in general, grammatical vari-
ation is less frequent or widespread. When it does occur it tends
to be restricted to a particular situation or group of users. For ex-
ample, the phenomenon of verb reduplication occurs in some chat-
groups, and occasionally elsewhere, but as yet is not a universally
encountered feature. A verb (from a fairly small set) is used twice in
immediate succession to express a range of functions, such as an ex-
pression of pleasure or pain, as a sarcastic or exasperated reaction,
or simply as a turn-taking marker, showing that an utterance is
ended.

You should see the reaction. Flame, flame.

How about that! Win, win. ['the program has performed

successfully']
I deleted your message. Lose, lose! ['I'm stupid']
What you do that for? Barf, barf. ['I'm disgusted']

Reduplication is sometimes seen elsewhere - for example, jokey
topic groups on Usenet sometimes use a triple final element, as
in alt.sadistic.dentists.drill.drill.drill. But on the whole the effect



92 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

has limited Internet presence. Likewise, the use of programming
devices that affect or replace conventional grammatical construc-
tions tends to be very restricted in its occurrence. For example,
the symbol P (a notation from the programming language LISP)
is sometimes added at the end of a word to turn it into a question,
usually of a 'yes/no' type:

GlobeP = are you going to the Globe?

Cognoscenti might respond with T ['true'] or NIL ['no']. Again,
the effect is indicative of a restricted genre among in-group en-
thusiasts rather than of a productive strategy being employed by
Internet users in general. Features of this kind, along with associ-
ated discourse features, are thus best discussed in relation to the
individual Internet situation in which they occur.

This chapter has discussed the main linguistic features which
people consider to be part of Netspeak. In some cases, the fea-
tures are genuinely present, encountered on most online visits. In
others, they are assumed to be present, though in fact the assump-
tions made are often wide of the mark. And in yet others, people
want them to be present, on the basis of a private belief about the
way Internet language should develop. The lexico-graphological
distinctiveness described above, along with the general character-
istics of the medium outlined in chapter 2, provide a solid basis
for the impression I have of Netspeak as a genuine language vari-
ety. On the other hand, the differing expectations, interests, and
abilities of users, the rapid changes in computer technology and
availability, and the rate at which language change seems to be
taking place across the Internet (much faster than at any previous
time in linguistic history) means that it is difficult to be definitive
about the variety's characteristics. Doubtless some of the linguis-
tic features described above will still be contributing to Netspeak's
identity in fifty years' time; others may not last another year. Al-
ready hacker guides talk routinely about features which were com-
monplace 'back in the mid-90s'. In discussing the frequency of a
Netspeak idiom with a hacker friend, I was told that its popularity



Finding an identity 93

was 'last year', and 'nobody uses it now'. These are the influences
which require guidebooks, such as Wired Style, to have frequent
new editions, if they are to reflect the real cyberworld. At the same
time, some features seem not to be changing, or are changing only
slowly It is a complex and mixed-message scenario, which can
really only be understood by a detailed consideration of the in-
dividual Internet situations described in chapter 1, and to these I
now turn.



The language of e-mail



At one level, it is extremely easy to define the linguistic identity of
e-mail as a variety of language; at another level, it is surprisingly
difficult. The easy part lies in the fixed discourse structure of the
message - a structure dictated by the mailer software which has
become increasingly standardized over the past twenty years. Just
in the same way as we can analyse the functionally distinct elements
that constitute a newspaper article (in terms of headline, body copy,
illustration, caption, etc.) or a scientific paper (in terms of title,
authorship, abstract, introduction, methodology, etc.), so we can
see in e-mails a fixed sequence of discourse elements. They willbe so
familiar to likely readers of this book that they need only the briefest
of expositions. The difficult part, to which the bulk of this chapter
relates, lies in the range of opinions about the purpose of e-mail, as
a communicative medium, and about the kind of language which
is the most appropriate and effective to achieve that purpose. With
over 800 million people using e-mail by 2000, l and 100 million
or so being sent each day, a consensus seems unlikely, especially
when age, sex, and cultural differences are taken into account. At
the same time, it ought at least to be possible to identify what the
parameters of disagreement are, to develop a sense of the range of
linguistic features which any characterization of e-mail would have
to include. 2



From estimates provided by the Internet Society (<http://info.isoc.org>) and Matrix
Information and Directory Services ( <http://www.mids.org> ) in 2000 there were almost
100 million Internet hosts, though there were signs of a slowing in the host growth rate,
over 30 million registered domain names, and over 800 million e-mail users.
In this chapter, I have used data taken from my own e-messages, supplemented by exam-
ples taken from messages sent to a younger generation, kindly supplied by my 23-year-old
son and 26-year-old daughter. The desirability of a corpus of e-mail data is stressed by
Johansson (1991: 307-8), and also Yates (1996: 30).



94



The language of e-mail 95

Structural elements

An individual e-mail consists of a series of functional elements,
for which terminology varies somewhat, all of which are similar in
purpose to those found in traditional letters and memos. 'Compose'
screens typically display a bipartite structure, with a preformatted
upper area (the header or heading) and a lower area for the main
text (the body or message). In some systems, if we choose to attach
a file to the e-mail, a third space becomes available, in which an
icon representing the attachment is located.

Headers

The underlying format of the header contains four core elements
(different systems vary in the extent to which they display all four,
and the order in which they display them): 3

• the e-address (or addresses) to which the message is being sent
(following To:), typed in full manually or inserted automat-
ically by typing a prompt which calls up a character-string
from an address-book (either the full e-address or a more
memorable short form, or nickname); this is an obligatory
element;

• the e-address from which the message has been sent (follow-
ing From:), inserted automatically; this is also an obligatory
element;

• a brief description of the topic of the message (following Sub-
ject:), inserted manually; this is an optional element, but the
software will query its absence (e.g. 'This message has no sub-
ject. Are you sure you want to send it?'), and it is considered
efficient practice to include it (see below);

• the date and time at which the message is sent (following
Date:), inserted automatically by the software.



i



For the 'header wars' (over what should be included in the header) in the early days of
the Internet, see Naughton (1999: 149).



96 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The fact that these are core elements is supported by the informa-
tion electronically recorded once a message is sent. These are the
chief elements represented in the Outbox and Sent folders, under
the headings To, Subject, and Sent (often, along with an indica-
tion of the server account employed). When a message is received,
they are the chief elements represented in one's Inbox (with From
replacing To and Received replacing Sent).

In addition, several optional elements are available within the
header area:

• a space for addresses which are to receive a copy of the mes-
sage (following Cc, which stands etymologically for carbon
copy, but which is often glossed as courtesy copy), inserted
manually or automatically; here too, short and full forms of
an address are available, the latter usually being placed within
angle brackets; the message's prime recipient is informed that
these copies have been sent;

• a space for addresses which also receive a copy of the message
(following Bcc, for blind carbon copy), but without the prime
recipient's knowledge;

• a space in which a symbol (such as a paper-clip) appears if an
attachment has been added to the message; this also appears
along with the summary in the Outbox and Sent folders, and
appears on the recipient's screen;

• a space in which a symbol (such as an exclamation mark)
appears if a priority is to be given to the message when it is
received (it does not have anything to do with the speed at
which the message will be electronically transmitted); low,
normal, and high priorities are usually recognized.

There is very limited scope for usage variation, within headers, be-
cause so much of the information is dictated by the software. The
conventions of e-address structure (the registered two-part desig-
nation on either side of the @ symbol) are fixed, and if not followed
exactly, the message will either not be accepted by the sender's soft-
ware or will be returned ('bounced back') by the server to which



The language of e-mail 97

the sender is connected (it may also disappear into cyberspace
and never be seen again). 4 The same considerations affect copies
of messages - though e-mail manuals additionally raise the prag-
matic question of the decision-making behind copied messages. 5
The sending of time-wasting, unnecessary copies is criticized, and
caution is expressed over the use of blind copies - for instance, if
people other than the intended recipients learn of their existence,
the motives of the writer may be questioned. If there are several
main or copy recipients, the question of the order in which their
addresses are listed may be relevant: in strongly hierarchical insti-
tutions, senior people may expect to see their names at the front of
a list. A principle of alphabetical order is often advocated to avoid
provoking unintended misinterpretation. So is the avoidance of
excessive use of the priority feature: if every message is marked
urgent, the convention ceases to be meaningful.

The language of the subject line, however, has received a great
deal of attention. Because it is the first thing that the recipient re-
ceives, along with the sender's name, it is a critical element in the
decision-making over what priority to assign to it or whether to
open it at all (in the case of someone who receives many e-mails
every day). A great deal of junk- mail, if not automatically filtered
out, is known to be junk only because of the subject description.
Subjects such as 'Free Your Life Forever', 'Win $31,000,000 dollars
and a PT Cruiser!', and 'Confidentiality Assured!' canbe confidently
categorized as junk (though I am not thereby denying its interest
to some), as can most messages whose subject is in capitals through-
out ('DO YOU HAVE THE YEN TO BE A MILLIONAIRE?',



In general text, e-mail addresses are often placed within angle brackets to show that
any adjacent punctuation is not part of the address. Typographical difficulty can arise
if an e-address needs to be broken at the end of a line, as an unhyphenated break will
leave it unclear whether a space is intended as part of the address, and a hyphenated
break will leave it unclear whether the hyphen is part of the address or not. Usage guides
suggest that the only unambiguous place to break is before or after the @ symbol (without
hyphen). Similarly, an address at the end of a sentence may need to be separated from
the sentence-ending punctuation. In this book, all e-addresses are placed within angle
brackets.

Examples of such manuals are Angell and Heslop (1994), Lamb and Peek (1995), Flynn
and Flynn (1998).



98 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

'DON'T GO TO SLEEP WITHOUT READING THIS') or which
have certain words emphasized ('Technology for YOU', 'For Seri-
ous Marketers ONLY!'). For messages which do not fall within this
category, other considerations apply Because there is a limit on
the number of characters to be displayed in the recipient's Inbox
summary, lengthy subject descriptions will be truncated, often in-
triguingly, such as 'New edition of the Cambridge Encyclopedia
and . . . ', and may be so unclear as to be informationally empty
Clear, brief, relevant, and concrete subject descriptions (cf. Grice's
maxims, p. 48) are recommended in the various guides, with the
most important bit of information put at the beginning of the line.
Deliberately misleading subject lines (as sometimes encountered
in e-mail from advertisers) are considered a breach of netiquette.
It is also important for correspondents to make continued use of
a subject description, once it is chosen, to enable groups of related
messages (a thread) to be placed together, especially if messages are
forwarded. Even an apparently simple switch such as 'My review'
(in the sender's subject line) to 'Your review' (in the subject line of
the receiver's response) can be the source of difficulty - not imme-
diately, but in due course, if the whole correspondence relating to
this topic needs to be gathered together, for the first message will
(typically) be sorted under M and the second under Y 6 Electronic
filters require exact matches. Similarly, subject lines need to be very
specific, otherwise they will not be easy to retrieve at a later date:
among the messages in my folder are some with the subject 'Your
message', 'Reply to letter', and 'Re: visit', none of which are going to
be helpful should occasion to search out a specific thread of mes-
sages arise. 'Writing a subject line with real oomph' is the heading
in one usage manual, 7 and as long as a reasonably broad notion of
oomphiness is permitted, I have no problem with that.



This procedure only makes sense, of course, if senders ensure that the content of their
messages match the subject. It is unclear just how many e-mail users retain an earlier
subject heading in a reply, but enter a message which has nothing to do with the stated
subject. This is especially easy when people respond by using 'Reply to Sender' (selected
in 71% of cases, in Li Lan (2000)), replacing the earlier message body completely but
leaving the header alone.
Flynn and Flynn (1998: 15).



The language of e-mail 99

Although the header is formally distinct from the message area
below, it is not always functionally separate. It is possible to dis-
regard the identity function of the subject line, and use it as an
introductory element in the message itself. An e-mail from my
daughter, enclosing a promised message, consisted of the following
subject:

here it is . . .

The body of the message then began:

... all in one piece.

Another example had, as subject, 'friday nights gonna be alright',
which was followed by the opening sentence, 'on the 10th that is'.
This dependence of the body copy on the subject line is also some-
times seen in advertising mail, where the subject may be expressed
as a question ('Do you want to ...?') to which the opening sentence
of the body gives the answer ('Yes, you do!'). A further variation
is a message which contains a greeting in the subject line: an ex-
ample was 'Dear Mr Pinter', which the body copy then continued
conventionally.

Greetings and farewells

Turning now to the body of the e-mail, this too can be viewed in
terms of obligatory and optional elements. The obligatory item is,
patently, a message of some sort. What is interesting is the extent
to which it is preceded by a greeting (or salutation, opening) and
followed by a farewell (or signature, closing). Several types of e-mail
have no greeting at all. They include first messages from people
who do not know the recipient, and are therefore typical in the case
of public announcements and junk- mail. Some messages include
an automatically derived 'Dear X' or 'Hi, X' in their openings,
often with bizarre results. Automatic junk-greetings in my case have
included 'Hi, Professor D', 'Hello, Crystal', and 'Dear Mr Wales'.
Automatic acknowledgements, indicating that a message has been
received by a system, or that the recipient is away from the office,



100 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

do not usually greet, though the range of auto responses received
by my son include:

Dear BEN CRYSTAL

Dear b.crystal@restofaddress.com

Dear bcrystal

Within institutions, e-mails can be mainly used for the sending
out of information and instructions to all members of staff, in
the manner of a traditional memo, so that a personalized greeting
is unnecessary A general enquiry posted to a group of recipients
(in the manner of an asynchronous chatgroup, p. 11), where the
aim is to obtain information for the benefit of all, is also unlikely
to be opened with a greeting (unless it is of the 'Dear all', 'Dear
List Member' type) and just as unlikely to generate personalized
responses.

Between people who know each other, greetingless messages are
usually promptly sent responses, where the responder sees the mes-
sage as the second part of a two-part interaction (an adjacency-
pair), for which an introductory greeting is inappropriate. For
example:

Arriving message: David, will 7.30 be OK for the talk? Colin
Response message: Fine

where the following would be unlikely: 8

Response message: * Colin, Fine.

or, even less so:

Response message: * Dear Colin,
Fine.

The longer the delay in responding, the more likely the response
will contain a greeting, if only an apology for the time-lag.

By contrast, two-thirds of a sample of 500 e-mails in my Deleted
folder from people who know me contained an introductory

8 Here and below, this use of the asterisk indicates an expression considered to fall outside
the rules governing usage in a variety.



The language of e-mail 101

greeting. 9 They express a wide range of effects, from most formal to
most informal, and indicate several kinds of social relationship and
intimacy. They could be classified in many ways, but an important
variable is the use of an initial endearment (+Dear messages were
twice as common as —Dear messages).

—Dear

General word: 10 Hi, Hello again, Hi there!, Bonjour

General word plus ID: Hi from Pete, Goodday from Oz

Intimate name alone: David, david, Dave, DC, Dad

Combination of general word and intimate name: Hi David, Hey

D, Hello David, Hello DC, Good morning David, Howdy David,

Hi dad
Formal name: Professor Crystal, Professor
[but never (yet): General word and formal name: *Hi, Professor

Crystal, * Hello Professor]

+Dear

With intimate name: Dear David, Dear Dave

With whole name: Dear David Crystal, Annwyl David Crystal

[Welsh: 'Dear']
With title and surname: Dear Professor Crystal, Dear Dr Crystal,

Dear Mr Crystal, Estimado profesor Crystal

By far the most frequent individual greeting formula was Dear
David, followed by David, then Hi David, confirming the general
view about the medium as a means of informal interaction between
people who know each other. On the other hand, such a range of



This is similar to Gains (1998), where 34 out of 54 (63%) interpersonal e-mails had a
greeting. On the other hand, contextual differences are important: in an institutional
setting, where messages were being sent out to all members of staff, 57 out of 62 (92%)
had no greeting. Li Lan (2000) points out that the distinction between native and non-
native speakers can also be important: in his sample from Hong Kong, using non-native
speakers, far more interpersonal e-mails had a greeting than in Gains' native-speaker
sample (73 out of 77, or 95%); and in Li Lan's institutional setting only 41 out of 76
(54%) had no greeting. The samples in these studies are small, but even small samples
are enough to demonstrate the existence of great variation.

This category was much more varied in the e-mails addressed to my children: Hey,
Heyyy, Hiya, Hello folks (an unusual plural, given the singular recipient), Hi darlin, etc.
Exclamation marks also proliferated, and several greetings were in capital letters.



102 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

greetings defies easy generalization. Other factors than social rela-
tionship enter in: only a mixture of subject-matter, time-pressure,
and mood can explain why my editor at Cambridge University
Press switches throughout the year from David to Dear David (in
a ratio of 1:2) in his messages, and doubtless I am just as variable
in my labelling of others. 11

Another factor is the location of the name, once it is used. The
majority of my messages place the greeting at the head of the
message body, usually spaced away from the maintext as in a tra-
ditional letter. This is always the case in +Dear openings. With
informal —Dear openings, however, the location varies. It is most
often spaced and separate (in a ratio of 3:1, in my corpus). When
it is on the same line, it is usually the first word, but is sometimes
placed later, especially in replies (Thanks, David; OK David; Thanks
for your message, David), which to my intuition is more informal
than an initial placement. It is unusual for an inserted name to ap-
pear much later in the opening paragraph, or in later paragraphs -
though occasionally one finds instances of 'rapport renewal', such
as (from a third paragraph):

Sorry to put you to this bother, David, but . . .

This is no different from what is done in traditional informal letter-
writing.

Farewells display fewer possibilities for variation, but the same
points of principle arise. Two elements are available: a pre-closing
formula (of the Best wishes type) and the identification (ID) of
the sender. Most interpersonal messages (80%, in my case) end
with both elements present, and the influence of traditional letter-
writing is evident in the overwhelming tendency to place each
element on a separate line, usually spaced away from the mes-
sage body. The remaining 20% give a name, and dispense with the



11 In Gains (1998), only 9 out of 54 used Dear interpersonally, and only 1 out of 62 institu-
tionally. By contrast, Li Lan (2000) found 31 out of 77 using Dear interpersonally and 35
out of 76 institutionally - again suggestive of the existence of a pull towards traditional
usage in non-native speaker settings.



The language of e-mail 103

formula. I have only one instance in my files of a closing formula
which was not followed by a name - the sender perhaps thinking
that it was not needed, given its presence in the header (alterna-
tively, it might have been the result of forgetfulness, or have been
mysteriously lost in transmission). 12 The usual range of formu-
lae, known from traditional letter-writing, is employed, with the
same range of functions (affection, gratitude, expectation, com-
municative intent, and so on): Lots of love, Thanks for everything,
See you soon, Let me know if this isn't clear, etc. The informality of
the medium is reflected in the relative absence of the Yours sincerely
type (turning up in only 5% of my messages, though it seems to
be increasing). There seems to be no difference between old and
young in their predilection for formulae, though preferences vary
dramatically, as we would expect. (I cannot see myself ever using
the ta ta babe used by one of my children to her friend.)

IDs can be manually or automatically inserted. The manual ones
are of three kinds: first name, initial letter(s), and first name fol-
lowed by surname (or vice versa in languages where the ordering
convention differs) . Titles, qualifications, and other 'letters after the
name' may be present, depending on the formality of the message;
and there may also be a status or origin identifier on a separate line
(e.g. Course Organizer, Personnel Department). In informal inter-
action, it is common to see the use of initialisms - either the initial
letter of just the first name, or of both the first name and surname -
even between people who do not know each other well. One reason
for this is the bridging option it provides between the message body
and a customized signature. In a situation such as the following,
( 1 ) may be considered too impersonal, and (2) redundant, whereas
(3) combines an element of personal acknowledgement with the
full information.



12 I have no instances of the avoidance of a farewell, in my interpersonal e-mail; on the other
hand, e-mails from junk-mail organizations rarely end with a farewell. Gains (1998) had
5 instances out of 54 in his interpersonal sample and 5 out of 62 in his institutional
sample. Here too there seem to be cultural differences. In Hong Kong, Li Lan (2000)
found 13 out of 77 interpersonal e-mails without a closing and 19 out of 76 institutional
ones (25%).



104 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

(1)

... so I hope to hear from you soon.

Dr James Smith

333 Some Street, Somewhere, POSTCODE, UK

Tel: . . .

(2)

... so I hope to hear from you soon.

James Smith

Dr James Smith

333 Some Street, Somewhere, POSTCODE, UK

Tel: . . .

(3)

... so I hope to hear from you soon.

JS

Dr James Smith

333 Some Street, Somewhere, POSTCODE, UK

Tel: . . .

Automatic signatures are inserted by the mailer software, using text
created by the sender and stored in a file. They can be quite com-
plex pieces of writing, though the usage manuals consider lengthy
signature files wasteful of time and space. Some consist simply of a
person's full name (perhaps with title and qualifications), address,
and communication details (phone, fax, e-mail, website) . Some add
a character note, often framed typographically (commonly within
asterisks), such as a slogan, logo, favourite quotation, piece of per-
sonal promotion, or even a 'picture' (constructed out of keyboard
symbols). 13 For some reason I receive few e-mails from people who
go in for slogans and quotations, but when they do occur they all
follow the name and are typographically distinguished in some way:

James Smith * AVENUES TO SUCCESS * [i.e. the title of a
conference]

13 Sometimes referred to as ASCII art'. On Internet impression formation, see Wallace
(1999: ch. 2).



The language of e-mail 105

By contrast, most of my son's contacts do add such messages.
E-mail guides are circumspect in their advice, noting that the nov-
elty, freshness, or impact of a character note quickly fades, and that
ill-chosen items can return to haunt the senders once their inter-
ests or status have moved on. 'Cool dude' might have suited John
Doe as an office junior, but he may not like to be reminded of his
former e-identity now he is a company vice-president. Messages
can last a long time, in e-mail archives. And, as Wallace puts it:
'Most of us enter cyberspace . . . giving little thought to the online
persona - how we come across to the people with whom we interact
online.' 14

The farewell element has two important functions in e-mails, as
distinct from traditional letters. First, it acts as a boundary marker,
indicating that further scrolling down is unnecessary. There may in-
deed be additional automatically generated material on the screen,
such as an advertisement for a mailserver company, a notice saying
that the message has been checked for viruses, or a statement of
confidentiality such as the following: 15

This e-mail is confidential and should not be used by anyone who
is not the original intended recipient. If you have received this
e-mail in error please inform the sender and delete it from your
mailbox or any other storage mechanism.

The farewell has come to indicate that no further personalized
text is following - and it is this expectation which makes the use
of postscripted text unwise. Many e-mail readers do not look be-
yond the signature. Secondly, the farewell has an extended iden-
tity function. Obviously it identifies the sender to the immediate
recipient (typically providing information which is not present
in the header, especially useful if the e-address is opaque), but it
also makes this fuller identification available to others who may
eventually see the message, in the case of forwarded or attached
mail.



14 Wallace (1999: 14).

15 Some writers, especially in the business world, place suggestions about further contact
before the farewell, as the last element in the body of the message.



106 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The overriding impression I have, even from such a small sam-
ple of material, is of the remarkable amount of variation which
is found within the medium. E-mail guidebooks present a much
more standardized picture, and in their recommendations reduce
the range of options quite considerably. One of them is unequivocal
in its support for first-name only: 'Start the message with the per-
son's first name if you're communicating with a person you know
on that basis.' 16 It is equally opposed to what it calls 'outdated
or gender-specific forms, such as Dear Sirs or Gentlemen, from
traditional business correspondence'. Similar points are made in
relation to farewells. Forms such as Yours sincerely are proscribed;
single-word formulae such as Thanks or Best (or abbreviated forms,
as with THX or TTFN, p. 85) are commended. At the same time,
this guide is aware that cultural differences exist: 'Be aware that
greetings tend to be more formal and traditional in some parts of
the world, such as Japan and Europe' (the authors are writing from
a US perspective, hence the unitarian view of Europe). No recogni-
tion is given to the possibility that cultural differences of other kinds
exist, which should also be allowed for - such as the differences of
taste between people of different ages, personalities, professions,
and social backgrounds. I actually find the spontaneous mateyness
of many Americans congenial, readily accept first-name usage, and
use it to others myself whenever there are no contra-indications that
I might be causing upset; but I also know that many people have
a personality or background which does not allow them this free-
dom of address, and who feel uncomfortable when their familiar
and established address procedures are contravened. They immedi-
ately feel excluded from the medium. After reading one particularly
prescriptive usage manual - prescriptive in its recommendations
for informality, that is (p. 73) - a retired teacher commented, 'So
e-mail's not for me, then'. Of course it is. It is the manual that needs
revision.



16 Angell and Heslop (1994). These quotations are from pp. 21-2 (for greetings) and p. 31
(for farewells).



The language of e-mail 107

As with other domains, allowing a range of linguistic options
increases the communicative power of a medium, and usage man-
uals need to recognize this. In any case, people are voting with their
feet: as with traditional spoken or written usage, they will be more
influenced in their e-mail practice by the behaviour of their corre-
spondents than by the recommendations of style guides. As e-mail
becomes a routine part of social life, at all levels, it will inevitably
be influenced by the linguistic mores of its users. Already many
people use it as a more immediate and practical way of sending
formal letters and greetings cards (especially when there is a postal
strike). In recent months I have received official invitations, letters
of agreement, and many other formal communications through
this medium, and replied to them in the same way. Some publish-
ers (such as the Times Higher Education Supplement) now ask for
reviews to be sent primarily as e-mails. It is likely that the tech-
nological benefits of the medium (in terms of speed, forwarding,
automatic typesetting, etc.) will eventually be a more important
driving force than the fact that it permits a greater degree of infor-
mal communication than existed before. My prediction is therefore
that e-mail in a few years' time will display a much wider stylistic
range than it does at present, as the medium is adapted to suit a
broader range of communicative purposes, and the legal issues sur-
rounding the status of certain types of message come to be resolved.
The contemporary bias towards informality therefore needs to be
kept in perspective.



The body of the message

The content of the many e-mail style books is largely devoted to giv-
ing advice about how to write effective message body copy. One set
of prescriptions is given in Table 4.1. Little of this is new. Virtually
identical material can be found in books devoted to older meth-
ods, such as letter-writing, typing, and business communication.
Although the orientation is electronic, the content is largely



108 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Table 4.1. Five rules of using e-mail (Flynn andFlynn, 1998: 14)



Rules



Gloss



Write as though Mom
were reading



Think big picture

Keep an eye on spelling,
grammar and
punctuation

Don't use e-mail to let
off steam



Don't send to the world



'Write to the widest audience imaginable.'
'If your message is too personal,
confidential or important to write
generically, reconsider e-mail as your
vehicle.'

'Always provide a brief executive summary
at the beginning of the document'.

'You can be sure your readers will notice.'



'Compose yourself before composing
your message'. 'Never use obscene,
abusive or otherwise offensive
language.' Don't flame (p. 55).

'Respect others' electronic space, as you
would have them respect yours.' Don't
spam (p. 53).



traditional, giving advice on eliminating wordiness and cliche, and
guidance on grammar (addressing the usual shibboleths, such as
whether it is right to use passives, or to end a sentence with a prepo-
sition, p. 64). At times, such books resemble a standard grammar,
with tables listing the irregular verbs, frequently misspelled words,
and commonly confused words (such as complement and compli-
ment). Over half of any e-mail guide willbe devoted to such matters.
The influence of the prescriptive tradition is clear: for example,
Flynn and Flynn 17 have a section called 'Bending a few rules to
strike an appropriate tone'. They choose: 'contractions [e.g. aren't,
isn't] aren't bad', 'feel free to end a sentence with a preposition', '7, we
and you belong in business writing', and 'start your sentence with
a coordinating conjunction'. Although this is a reaction against



17 Flynn and Flynn (1998: 37).



The language of e-mail 109

traditional prescriptive pedagogy, the effect is nonetheless to re-
inforce a highly selective view of what language is all about, by
focusing on a tiny set of rules to the exclusion of the more general
properties of language which characterize the maintext of e-mail
messages. These properties result from the two chief factors which
define the e-mail situation: the limitations imposed by the screen
and the associated software; and the dynamic nature of the dialogue
between sender and receiver.

A widely held view (dating from the earliest days of e-mailing)
is that the body of a message should be entirely visible within a
single screenview, without any need for scrolling. Often, this is
not a whole screen, because the upper part is needed for a list-
ing of incoming messages. Insofar as people use e-mails for brief
and rapid conversational exchanges, fitting a message into a sin-
gle screen is easily achievable, 18 and in my corpus most people do:
70% of my e-mails fit within the 16-line depth my screen makes
available for the first sight of incoming messages. When the mes-
sages get longer, and especially when documents of considerable
length are sent (as in much business e-communication), the style
guides strongly recommend that special attention is paid to the
information which appears on the opening screen - providing a
strong first paragraph or a summary. An analogy is often drawn
with the 'inverted pyramid' style familiar from newspaper writing -
the important information should appear in the opening para-
graph, with less important information in the next paragraph, and
so on. 19 The analogy is apt. Just as a newspaper editor will often
trim an article to fit a space working 'bottom up', by cutting the
final paragraph first, then the penultimate, and so on, so an e-mail
writer should assume that information located at the end of the
message might never be seen, if the reader decided not to scroll
down any further. The pressure to provide an executive summary

18 Less easy if inroads are made into the lower area, as can happen if a long list of Cc addresses
is present, header information is reproduced (as when a message is forwarded), or space
is devoted to some automatically generated copy (such as a confidentiality warning).

19 Crystal and Davy (1969: ch. 7).



110 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

is especially strong in manuals of business communication, but the
principle has wider relevance.

The clarity of the message on the screen is a dominant theme of
e-mail manuals. Clarity in this context involves both legibility and
intelligibility. Legibility chiefly refers to ways of avoiding a screenful
of unbroken text. Writers are recommended to use a line-of- white
between paragraphs, for example, or to highlight points in a list
using a bullet or numbering facility 20 (The increased use of bullet
points is an important stylistic feature of e-mails, having previously
been rare in letters and typewritten documents. ) They are advised to
use short, simple sentences, long ones being felt to be more difficult
to read on screen. But all questions of legibility have to be considered
from two points of view - the reader's as well as the writer's. This
is one of the unique features of e-mail communication: there is no
guarantee that the message as reproduced on the writer's screen
will appear in the same configuration when it reaches the reader's.
A common problem is for the line-length settings to differ, so that
a message which sat neatly in 100-character lines at the sender's
terminal is reproduced with a highly erratic sequence of long and
short line-lengths on the receiving screen, or fails to wrap around
at all (requiring an awkward repeated right-scrolling manoeuvre),
or is processed so that the end part of each line is simply left out.
Many manuals, accordingly, advise writers to keep their line length
to 80 characters, to minimize the risk of this happening - or even
70, if message-forwarding is likely, as the tab character which is
inserted in front of each line of a forwarded message uses up several
characters of space. In addition, any special formatting (such as
the use of bold or italic typefaces) may be lost in transmission.
And attachments may be unreadable at the other end. No other
type of written communication presents us with such potential
asymmetry.

The pressure to maintain a message's intelligibility might be
thought to be no different from that encountered in any other



20 In the paragraph survey described below, only 4 out of 50 personalized messages failed to
use white space between paragraphs; white space was always present in the institutional-
ized messages.



The language of e-mail 111

communicative domain. But the speed and spontaneity with which
e-mails can be written and sent makes it more likely that the
processes of reflection normally used with written language (see
chapter 2) will not take place. Evidently many people do not read
through their message before sending it - often with the unin-
tended consequence that the first reply they receive is a request for
clarification. The style manuals differ over the question of just how
much editing should take place: on the one hand, they are anxious
to maintain their belief in the medium's informality; on the other
hand, they are driven by their awareness that, the more idiosyncratic
behaviour departs from the norms of standard English, the greater
the likelihood of unintelligibility Most of these manuals, written
with a business readership in mind, end up paying lip-service to
an informality-induced deviance and coming down hard on the
side of the orthodox rules of the standard language. Misspellings,
for example, are a natural feature of the body message in an e-mail
(not in headers, where senders are usually scrupulous, knowing the
consequences of error). They occur, regardless of the educational
background of the writer, in any situation where there is fast typing
and a lack of editorial revision. 21 For the most part, these errors
cause little or no disruption to the communicative process. No-one
is likely to be misled by such e-lines as the following:

I'll procede with the practical arrangments.
Hav eyou got the tikcets yet?

Nor is the reader going to make a social judgement about the writer's
educational ability, on the basis of such data - a contrast with what
would happen if someone wrote a traditional letter containing
such errors. On the other hand, some misspellings can make a
reader pause, or make an utterance ambiguous or unintelligible:

Cab we reach you by 8?



21 Even this must not be overestimated. Casting my eye over the last 50 messages I received,
from people aged early 20s to mid-60s, with several intimate or from my own peer-group,
only 2 had spelling errors, and these were isolated ones. My correspondents evidently
revise greatly. (After reading which, my son adds: 'Of course we do. We're writing to a
linguist! We might be used as data, otherwise!')



112 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The latter examples are rare, in my experience. Of the hundreds of
e-mail typing errors I have seen, hardly any really interfere with the
meaning. Nonetheless, some manuals are hotly against misspellings
of any kind: 22

For every grammar mistake in an e-mail message there are an
average of three spelling mistakes. If you think that you're saving
time by not correcting spelling errors, think again. The time saved
not checking your spelling is multiplied by the time that it takes
for a reader to decipher the misspelled words. Misspelled words jar
your reader's concentration by diverting attention away from the
idea you are expressing. Not only are misspellings annoying and
confusing, they also cause the reader to question your credibility.
Misspellings make you look sloppy or, worse yet, incompetent.

And the same anxiety is expressed over punctuation errors - which
in e-mails normally refers to omissions: 'Underuse of punctuation
in e-mail can impede communications.' 23 The attitude doubtless
has some force in the context of business communication, where
prescriptive attitudes are likely to be strongly present, consciously
or unconsciously. But as a principle of general guidance for all
e-mail users, it is unreal. Most spelling errors do not distract from
the content of a message. Lightly punctuated messages, given the
relatively short sentence lengths (see below), pose few problems of
ambiguity. Nor, on receiving personalized e-mails, is the credibility
of a misspeller or mispunctuator ever seriously questioned, because
receivers are fully aware of the situational constraints under which
the message was written. They are aware of it because, several times
a day, they know they write under the same constraints themselves.
More important, in relation to intelligibility, is the question of
a message's coherence, arising out of the inherently dialogic char-
acter of e-messaging. Although some e-mails are sent without any
expectation of a response, the vast majority do expect a reply -
and get one. Accordingly, the communicative unit, as in everyday
conversation, is the exchange. The chief linguistic evidence for ex-
changes is the frequency with which response messages begin with

22 Angell and Heslop (1994: 83). 23 Angell and Heslop (1994: 99).



The language of e-mail 113

an acknowledgement that there has been a previous message: direct
feedback expressions, just as in everyday conversation, or elliptical
and anaphoric (referring-back) devices, as the square-bracketed
queries illustrate in the following selection of opening sentences:

Yes, I think you're right [about what?]

No, I won't be there [where?]

Fine by me [what is?]

Indeed - couldn't have put it better myself [put what?]

He'll meet you at the station [who he?]

An explicit acknowledgement of the existence of a previous message
is common: excluding replies which have been automatically gen-
erated (usually because the recipient is away), 70% of my messages
begin with an acknowledgement:

Thanks for your message
Many thanks for your thoughts
Sorry for the delay in replying

Formality varies greatly ( Thank you, Thanks, THX, Ta. ..). In my
corpus, the majority of the messages without any acknowledge-
ment were very short - often one line or one word in length. This
is understandable: it would be anomalous to add an acknowledge-
ment which would be longer than the meat of the response. The
following seems highly unlikely.

?* Thanks for your message. Yes.

Acknowledgement is also sometimes omitted when the full text of
the previous message is reproduced further down the screen, as
when use has been made of the 'Reply to Author' option. The op-
posite situation also occurs, with a reply message consisting solely
of an acknowledgement, such as Thanks. I have only four examples,
so it is difficult to say anything useful about them. Usage manuals
differ in their views about this practice: some warm to the fact that
a courtesy has been expressed; others castigate it as a time-wasting
device.



114 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The length of the text comprising the body of an e-mail is rel-
atively short. A sample of 50 personalized e-mails sent to me av-
eraged 10.9 lines of body copy per message (excluding greetings,
farewells, and attachments). There is considerable individual vari-
ation: the last 50 of my own e-mails to others averaged 6.56 body
lines per message. (I am evidently a briefer respondent than many
of my interlocutors.) The vast majority fitted easily into a single
screen view. E-mails from institutions (ads, newsletters, business
reports, press releases, etc.) were much longer - 20 such e-mails
showed an average of 30.65 lines per message (though this figure
is more difficult to calculate, due to the insertion of all kinds of
extraneous matter into the body copy, such as hypertext links). In
terms of paragraphs, my incoming personalized e-mails averaged
3.28 paragraphs per message; my outgoing ones averaged 2.0. In-
stitutionalized e-mails were much longer (as we might expect) -
an average of 8.35 paragraphs per item.

Paragraph structure is short. Table 4.2 shows that 80% of my per-
sonalized incoming messages were 4 lines or less. 24 Here there is no
difference from what is found in institutionalized messages - nor,
indeed, in my own outgoing messages, with 78% of my paragraphs
being 4 lines or less. (I was surprised to encounter a 22-line para-
graph, in one of my e-mails. I now find this difficult to read, and
wish I had restructured it before sending.) One difference between
personalized and institutionalized messages is that the former use
three times as many single-line paragraphs; this seems to reflect
the need for length to enable institutions to make their various ex-
pository (informational, marketing, etc.) points. Institutional one-
line paragraphs tend to be the occasional slogan-like observation
to which the writer is giving paragraph prominence (e.g. There'll
never be a better time to buy) . In personalized e-mails, the one-liners
tend to be a brief acknowledgement {See you there, Thanks), real or



24 It seems to make no difference whether the format displays longer or shorter lines in
larger or smaller type: there seems to be a general tendency to keep the overall paragraph
length short. On the other hand, it follows from this that paragraphs will contain different
amounts of content: four long lines in small type must carry more information than four
short lines in small type.



The language of e-mail 115

Table 4.2. Paragraph length (in lines) in a personal sample of
e-messages



No of


Personalized


Institutional


My outgoing


lines in a


incoming messages


incoming messages


messages


paragraph


(N a = 50)


(N=20)


(N = 50)


1


37 (22.6%)


11 (6.6%)


33 (33%)


2


33 (20.1%)


51 (30.5%)


20 (20%)


3


35 (21.3%)


38 (22.7%)


15 (15%)


4


26(15.8%)


19(11.4%)


10(10%)


5


9


18(10.8%)


6


6


11


10


7


7


6


12


2


8


2


2


2


9


3


3


1


10


1


1




11


1


1


2


12




1




15






1


22






1


Totals


164


167


100



a N = number of messages



rhetorical isolated queries (What time do you want me to arrive?,
Wasn't the concert fine?), or a response to an individual point (The
Smith book sounds intriguing, The session starts at 12).

The dialogic character of the body element in an e-mail is made
totally explicit when the 'Reply to Author' option is activated, and
respondents add reactions which refer directly to the whole of a
received message. The process is facilitated by the software, which
makes a clear typographic distinction between original message and
reaction. After early experiments using indention, standard prac-
tice is now to insert a right-pointing angle bracket (sometimes a
colon or vertical black line) at the beginning of each line of the orig-
inal message (including the paragraph-separating lines-of-white),
so that (1) becomes (2):



116



LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET



(1)

I hope to be there by six, though everything depends on the
trains. Will you be coming by train yourself, or are you driving this
time? I know Fred is bringing his car.

(2)

>I hope to be there by six, though everything depends on the
>trains. Will you be coming by train yourself, or are you driving
>this time? I know Fred is bringing his car.

The reaction may then be added, in any of three locations: above the
whole of the received message, below it, or within it - repeatedly,
if necessary.



Above
reply
> received message



Below
> extract from
received message
reply



Within

> received message
reply

> extract from
received message
reply

> extract from
received message

The procedure is a little like adding notes at the beginning or end
of a letter, or in the margins, and returning it to the sender - but
with the difference that in e-mail both parties end up with a perfect
copy of everything.

All three methods have their advantages and disadvantages.
Putting the reply first gets to the point straight away, but the receiver
often has to scroll down to be reminded of what the person is react-
ing to - often necessary, if time has passed since sending the original
message. Putting the reply at the end avoids this problem, but forces
the receiver to scroll through a message which may be totally famil-
iar - as it would be if it had been sent only a few minutes before. The
former option is preferred in many professional settings, where it
has become standard practice to reply to a steadily growing chain of
e-messages by adding the latest response at the beginning, because
when a tailback of messages becomes extensive, it is then very awk-
ward to find a message located at the end and to print it out. In those



The language of e-mail 117

companies which retain a paper record of their messages, printing
out the most recent ones (as opposed to the entire message history)
is very much easier if they are at the beginning of a chain, as there is
no way of knowing which pages to select for the printer if they are at
the end, since e-mail pages are not formatted on-screen in terms of
printer pages. 'Print pages 1-2' is an easy instruction; 'Print pages
11-12' requires research. ('Print all', of course, is also an easy option
- but at the expense of increasingly bulging filefuls of duplicated
pages.)

Some usage manuals disapprove of the within-message reaction.
'Add your reply above or below - never within — the original
message.' 25 In fact, within-message commenting is very com-
mon, when several points are being made which require in-
dividual attention. A within-message reply to (1) above might
read:

>I hope to be there by six, though everything depends on the

> trains.

I know - remember last time?

> Will you be coming by train yourself, or are you driving this
>time?

Car

>I know Fred is bringing his car.

It would not be intelligible to give this sequence of responses at the
end of the message:

>I hope to be there by six, though everything depends on the

> trains.

> Will you be coming by train yourself, or are you driving this
>time? I know Fred is bringing his car.

I know - remember last time?
Car

or at the beginning:



Flynn and Flynn (1998: 9).



118 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

I know - remember last time?

Car

>I hope to be there by six, though everything depends on the

>trains. Will you be coming by train yourself, or are you driving

>this time? I know Fred is bringing his car.

To make either intelligible would require major rewriting, with
more explicit cross-reference to or paraphrasing of what the sender
had said. In business communication, where documents can be
very long and reactions to individual points erratically located,
guidebook advice to avoid within-message reactions is well taken.
A point might easily be missed, and it would be difficult to work
out the nature of the overall reply from a sequence of individ-
ual, widely separated reactions. In professional correspondence,
accordingly, there is a widespread preference for (3) as opposed
to (4):

(3)

With reference to your points A, B, and C I think P, Q, and R

respectively.

(4)

> Point A
Point P

> Point B
Point Q

> Point C
Point R

But in most interpersonal e-mail, (3) is simply not an option, be-
cause of the rewriting (and rethinking) which would be involved.
Message intercalation of the type illustrated by (4) is a unique
feature of e-mail language, and a property which could only succeed
in an electronic medium. And there is a further refinement. It is
possible for recipients to respond to an original message not by
adding reactions to selected parts of the original text, as illustrated
above, but by editing the original text so that only those parts
which require reaction are left. The procedure is, effectively, one of



The language of e-mail 119

quotation. Thus, for example, I sent the following paragraph (5)
to someone, who replied as (6), cutting one of my sentences and
pasting it into the new message:

(5)

There are still several loose ends for the Tuesday. We've had a lot of
people wanting to contribute, and our original proposals for
timing seem to be out. Do you think it would work having two
sessions in the afternoon? It would mean cutting down on the
tea-break, and maybe even timing dinner a half-hour later than
usual. That in turn would push the evening session on a bit,
but I don't see any problem there, as everyone is staying the
night.

(6)

>Do you think it would work having two sessions in the

> afternoon?

Good idea

The longer a sender's paragraphs, the more likely the recipient is
to respond in this way. The result has been described as framing,
because of the way in which the quoted text is demarcated typo-
graphically, either through an angle-bracket or a vertical line. 26
Framing is a consequence of the ease with which people can cut
and paste from an original message. It is also a feature of chatgroup
interactions (p. 141), where an extended discussion may make
use of extensive quotation from several participants, providing the
context for a reaction.

Framing has both strengths and weaknesses. It is a convenience,
in that a series of points can be responded to rapidly and succinctly,
either in the order in which they were made or in some fresh order -
much as we can strategically recapitulate a series of points made
by an interlocutor in a face-to-face discussion. Time and memory
are saved, as it is no longer necessary to trawl back through an

26 This is an extension of the notion of perceptual framing found in psychology and semi-
otics: see Bateson (1972), Mabry (1997), Wallace (1999: 127). It should not be confused
with the use of the term frame (in several senses) in grammar (sentence frame), conver-
sation analysis (discourse frame), and elsewhere.



120 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

e-mail thread to find the original remarks. And dealing with several
points at once (a common strategy in asynchronous chatgroups,
p. 163) saves repeated e-mailing. Reactions to reactions are also
possible, with each new reaction retaining its own framing device,
so that the page takes on a nested appearance (as shown by the
increasing angle brackets):

>B's extract from A's message
> > A's extract from B's message
> > >B's extract from A's extract . . .

On the other hand, everybody knows the difficulties which arise
when quotations are being used extensively: meaning can change
dramatically when words are quoted out of context, whether in-
nocently or deliberately Deliberate out-of-context quotation may
seem a strange concept to people expecting the e-mail or chatgroup
worlds to be inhabited by polite, well-mannered, Gricean (p. 48)
individuals. But analysis of the reasons for flaming in e-interaction
shows that misquotation, in order to score a point, is commonly
implicated. 27 It may even involve pre-editing of the paste: Tom finds
an extract in Dick's message which doesn't quite suit the point he
wants to make, so he alters it in some way, and then quotes it as if
it were Dick speaking. In the hurly-burly of a chatgroup, nobody
(apart perhaps from Dick) is going to take the trouble to check
back; and retracing a thread of e-mails to find the relevant point
(assuming the relevant items have not been deleted) can be just as
laborious. It should also be noted that the option of misquotation
is available to both sides: Dick can deliberately edit himself, too.

A framed message is certainly a most unusual object, not like
anything else in language use. The stylistic consequences of cutting
and pasting text from an earlier message - either our own or some-
one else's - are also unusual; here, too, there is nothing remotely
like it in other domains of writing. Where else would we find so
many physically adjacent but semantically unrelated paragraphs of
text? In traditional writing, such texts would be penalized for lack

27 Mabry(1997).



The language of e-mail 121

of organization and logical progression; but in an e-mail, where the
points are taking up different issues in a previous message, such
overriding considerations are waived. The bottom line is that, with
e-mail, a new document is created with every transaction. The per-
manence of e-writing is only a superficial impression. Although a
single piece of text may be preserved throughout a thread of mes-
sages, via forwarding or replying to author, each screen incarnation
gives it a different status and may present it in a different form -
either through electronic interference from the software or edi-
torial interference from the new user. Linguistics has yet to de-
vise ways of capturing such dynamic characteristics in its stylistic
descriptions.

The issues go well beyond the linguistic. Traditional letter-
writing, through such features as its choice of notepaper, letterhead
typography, style of paragraphing, and signature format, presented
a facet of the writer's personality and standing. People can spend
ages worrying over these matters - when ordering new notepa-
per, for example. In some circumstances - such as the writing of
references, job applications, or referee reports - the choices made
inevitably affect the receiver's perception of the character of the
sender, and influence the outcome in all kinds of unconscious ways.
The 'meaning' of a message is much more than the semantic content
of its constituent words. But when this kind of material is submit-
ted by e-mail - as it increasingly is - all this extra meaning is lost.
Publishers, for example, commonly paste extracts from readers'
e-reports on a book proposal into a single document for submis-
sion to an editorial board. Instantiating this point, my Cambridge
in-house editor remarked:

Inevitably a small part of the 'meaning' as intended by the author
of the report is then lost, and some of the authorial control of the
text has shifted to me as editor. I now have the power to undertake
subtle but acceptable editorial interventions and juxtapositions
which would have been barred from me in the era when the

physical page was part of the message intended by the author

Until a year ago [he writes in December 2000] authors of reports
remained uncomfortably aware of all this, and there was a



122 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

nervousness about losing control of format; but then suddenly
that bridgehead collapsed, and now anyone will send you more or
less anything by e-mail, accepting that an editorial re-formatting
will inevitably come into play.

The willing surrender of control over one's written or spoken out-
put is not in itself novel: journalists, for example, have long been
used to having their copy altered by senior editors before it appears
in print; and one never knows just how much of a radio or television
interview will end up being used, or in what way editorial 'cutting
and pasting' will affect what one has said. But e-mail permits the
extension of such practices to a very wide range of communica-
tive behaviours previously immune to such 'interference', and the
consequences have yet to be explored.

Features such as screen structure, message openings and closing,
message length, dialogic strategies, and framing are central to the
identification of e-mail as a linguistic variety. This is not to deny
the presence of other, more local points of stylistic significance, in
relation to graphology, grammar, and lexicon, but these are not
so critical. There has been a tendency to highlight the informal
features of messages - such as the use of contractions, loose sen-
tence construction, subject ellipsis (Will let you know), colloquial
abbreviations (bye, cos, v slow, s/thing), and 'cool' acronyms (LOL,
CU, p. 85) - but these are plainly not indicative of the variety as
a whole, as many messages do not use them. Doubtless, given the
question/ answer basis of many exchanges, an analysis of sentence
types will reveal a distinctive bias; for example, the intensity of
questioning seems to be greater than in traditional letters, or even
in conversation (where rapid-fire questioning of the type illustrated
below would be considered a harangue):

Am I asking too much? Does this seem workable to you? Can you
get to it, do you think? Do you * want * to get to it?!

Rhetorical questions also seem to be commoner in e-mails than
in other varieties of written English, apart from certain types of
literary expression. Advertising e-mails are full of them, reflecting



The language of e-mail 123

a style that is more likely to be heard in commercial broadcasting
than in graphic advertising:

How would you like to win . . . ?

Why wait?

What could be more addictive than both Pokemon and pinball . . .

except for a blend of both? Catch 'em early by pre-ordering for

just £22.99.
Have you ever wanted to see . . . if it's sunny in San Francisco? if

there's new snow at Vail? what traffic is like on Interstate 10 in

Phoenix? Well, you can!

The status of a question - whether the sender expects or does not
expect a response - is often ambiguous. Self-answering is more
common than I recall seeing elsewhere:

Will Mary turn up? I doubt it, after last time. Who knows? Not
Jim, anyway.

But these impressions need to be supported by some detailed
survey-work before they can be proposed as distinctive features
of the variety.

A similar caution needs to be expressed over e-mail graphology.
The variety is plainly distinctive at a graphic level (p. 7), in view
of the widespread characterless large bland typeface which pro-
vides the default for many mailers: 90% of all my incoming mail
uses it. But the fact that an HTML option is also widely available
as a sending format means that it is not an obligatory feature of
the e-mail situation. Much of the graphological deviance noted in
messages is also not universal, being typical of informal Internet
exchanges especially among younger (or at least, young at heart)
users. I have already referred to misspellings (p. Ill), but examples
such as the following hardly fall into that category:

Helllllloooooooo!

There is also a reduced use of capitalization, which may involve
either grammar (e.g. sentence-initial) or lexicon (e.g. proper



124 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

names), or both, as in these examples:

log onto the address below and you will see a mock up of our site
the above is an advert I noticed for New Deal
an excerpt from a tommy cooper forward i got

The usual range of punctuation expressiveness may be seriously
extended:

Yes!!!!!!!!

WHAT?????

You've got a A &*! cheek

Smileys (p. 36) are available for use, though they are by no means as
frequent as the explanatory literature suggests. Common enough
in the exchanges between teenagers, they are almost totally absent
in my own incoming mail (apart from two instances from one of
my children). Angell and Heslop comment: smileys 'are the equiv-
alent of e-mail slang and should not be used in formal business
e-mail messages'. 28 But they do not seem to be much used in non-
business circles either. Ingenious keyboard typography may also
be used to make material stand out, using asterisks, hyphens, bul-
lets, pipes, and other symbols to create panels, boxes, and borders.
Colour is also present, being routinely used to highlight hypertext
links (www or @ addresses). The range of typographical options
is bound to grow, as technology progresses. MIME (multipurpose
internet mail extension) already exists as a standard for sending
audio, graphics, and video files as e-mails. But at present, there are
few graphic or graphological features that are universally present.
Stylistic conformity there may be among particular groups of
e-mail users (e.g. undergraduates, teenagers), but in the variety as
a whole the potential for significant group differentiation exists. 29

28 Angell and Heslop (1994: 111).

29 The point about a growth in conformity has been addressed by McCormick and
McCormick (1992); see also Wallace (1999: 62-4). Danielson (1996) draws a contrast
between the homogeneous look of incoming e-mail and the much greater sortability of
incoming snail mail (on the basis of envelope type, colour, size, address typography, and
so on) . Stylistically, there is no reason why such variability should not appear in e-mailing
too. The potential is there.



The language of e-mail 125

The uniqueness of e-mail

Writers repeatedly draw analogies between e-mail and other forms
of communication, in order to locate it in communicative 'space'.
It is:

a cross between a conversation and a letter, email is as fast as a

telegram and as cheap as a whisper 30
a telegraph, a memo, and a palaver rolled into one 31
faster than a speeding letter, cheaper than a phone call 32
a strange blend of writing and talking 33

Homer Simpson has it explained to him in this way: 34

Homer: What's an e-mail?

Lenny: It's a computer thing, like, er, an electric letter.

Carl: Or a quiet phone call.

From the above analysis, it is clear that e-mails do indeed have
elements of the memo about them, notably in their fixed header
structure. The informal letter analogy is also appropriate, with the
medium's reliance on greetings and farewells, and the use of sev-
eral informal written features in the message body. The telephone
conversation analogy is also proper, given the way a dialogue style
can build up over time; and the cheapness of the medium has
often been remarked. And some e-mails are highly telegrammatic
in style. But e-mail, in the final analysis, is like none of these.
The consensus seems to be that it is, formally and functionally,
unique.

Functionally, e-mail does not duplicate what other mediums
can do. It is better than the telephone in eliminating what has been
called 'telephone tag' (in which people repeatedly leave messages

30 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 3). 31 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 78).

32 Angell and Heslop (1994: 1); see also Hatch ( 1992). The similarity of electronic discourse
to the language of public interviews has also been noted (Collot and Belmore, 1993).

33 Naughton (1999: 143), who goes on to characterize it as resembling 'stream-of-
consciousness narratives, the product of people typing as fast as they can think'.

34 'The computer war menace shoes', Episode 12A6 of The Simpsons (Fox TV).



126 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

with each other to 'call me back'); on the other hand, if an im-
mediate response is essential, and face-to-face communication is
impossible, you cannot beat the telephone. E-mail is better than the
letter in obtaining a quick response to an enquiry; but not for every
kind of message. There is a widespread feeling that letters are better
than e-mails for expressing negative content, such as breaking off
a relationship or reporting a family death, and that telephone or
face-to-face conversation is also better in such cases, where the full
range of vocal nuance is needed to do justice to the meaning. On the
other hand, it has been noted that people have a greater tendency
to self-disclose on the computer, compared with telephone and
face-to-face conversation - a factor which, some think, partly ac-
counts for the growth in e-romances. 35 E-mail has also emerged as
a means of communication where nothing was easily available be-
fore - such as between professionals whose erratic life-style meant
that they were never predictably at the end of a telephone line, be-
tween parents and their children at university, or between partners
separated by distance, for whom the cheapness of the medium is a
godsend.

E-mail has come to be used for some of the purposes traditionally
carried out by the letter (e.g. the sending of CVs or job applications,
certain types of form-filling), but it has not yet supplanted conven-
tional mail for others (e.g. contractual matters), because of issues
to do with privacy, security, and legal tradition. While we may make
copies of a will, or of our house deeds, the 'real' documents have
a special status which it will be difficult, perhaps impossible, for
e-mail to replicate. Certainly, at present, the incompatibilities be-
tween software systems (mentioned above) disallow any privileged
status for a document where layout is critical, such as a legal docu-
ment or a commercial advertisement. The limitations of e-mail, as
a communicative medium, are in fact still being discovered. There
is no way of controlling an e-mail, once it has been sent; nor is

35 See the discussion in Wallace (1999: 151). Baron (2000: 235) suggests that the private
nature of e-mail dialogue accounts for its 'laissez-faire' character, so that it can be used
for virtually any subject-matter. Her illustrations include condolences, which for me
oversteps a boundary.



The language of e-mail 127

there any way of knowing who will eventually see it or edit it. The
e-mail guides are thus very emphatic in their advocacy of caution:
'Don't write anything to or about another that you would not feel
comfortable saying face-to-face.' 36 'Watch what you say', says an-
other, 'Big Brother is watching you' - noting that employers and
law-enforcement agencies may search your mailboxes. 37 The ex-
ploration of the legal implications is in its infancy. Many issues
are known, some extremely serious. There have been complaints
about e-bullying (e.g. in e-mail staff reprimands), sexism, sexual
harassment, the use of libellous language, and rudeness (often aris-
ing out of a misplaced attempt to be funny or ironic). There can
also be ambiguities of an international kind: e-mails which refer to
a local time (or date), without making it clear which time-zone is
involved; e-mails which write the date in one way, forgetting that
the convention is different elsewhere (e.g. 7/3/00 is 7 March in the
UK, 3 July in the USA); e-mails which talk about '3 o'clock' without
making it clear whether morning or afternoon is intended; e-mails
which assume that local abbreviations (e.g. ABC) will be univer-
sally familiar (whereas it means one thing in the USA and another
in Australia); e-mails which assume that a local geographical refer-
ence will be known (e.g. East Coast); and so on. Many e-mail users
are still getting to grips with these matters (see further, chapter 8).
The evolution of e-mail style is in its infancy, 38 and perhaps the
only thing we can say for certain is that it will soon no longer be
as it currently is. Generalizations about the medium have hitherto
been heavily influenced by its technical origins and early years of
use. There is an understandable tendency to think of e-mailing
solely in terms of informality. It feels temporary, indeed, and this
promotes a sense of the carefree. Messages can be easily deleted,
which suggests that their content is basically unimportant. Because
of its spontaneity, speed, privacy, and leisure value, e-mail offers

36 Flynn and Flynn (1998: 3).

37 Angell and Heslop (1994: 6). In 2000, in the UK, a number of sackings for e-mail
violations brought considerable publicity to the issue of employer powers vs. em-
ployee rights, highlighting the existence of widely different regulations between com-
panies and countries.

38 See further: Thompson and Ahn (1992), Baron (1998a; 1998b; 2000: chs. 8-9).



128 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

the option of greater levels of informality than are found elsewhere
in traditional writing. But as the medium matures, it is becoming
apparent that it is not exclusively an informal medium, and received
opinion is going to have to change. Hale and Scanlon observe:
'A well-written electronic missive gets to the point quickly, with
evocative words, short grafs, and plenty of white space. Spelling and
punctuation are loose and playful. (No-one reads email with red
pen in hand.)' 39 The evidence is growing that an awful lot of people
actually do keep such a pen in mind, in educational, business,
and other workplace settings, where e-mails are routinely seen as
providing a more convenient professionalism (one that can speed
up decision-making and build strong daily working relationships)
rather than just an opportunity for a chat. Certainly, the spirit
of the e-mail style manuals is very much towards being careful,
stressing the communicative limitations of the medium (such as
those discussed in chapter 2). In due course, this emphasis seems
likely to gain ground. The result will be a medium which will portray
a wide range of stylistic expressiveness, from formal to informal, just
as other mediums have come to do, and where the pressure on users
will be to display stylistic consistency, in the same way that this is
required in other forms of writing. 40 E-mail will then take its place in
the school curriculum, not as a medium to be feared for its linguistic
irresponsibility (because it allows radical graphological deviance)
but as one which offers a further domain within which children
can develop their ability to consolidate their stylistic intuitions
and make responsible linguistic choices. E-mail has extended the
language's stylistic range in interesting and motivating ways. In my
view, it is an opportunity, not a threat, for language education.



39 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 3).

40 Baron (2000: 242) also concludes that two styles of e-mail will emerge in due course,
one edited, the other unedited. Punctuation preferences, likewise, are likely to evolve two
standards, one following grammatical prescriptions, the other following the rhetorical
patterns of speech.



The language of chatgroups



The Internet allows people to engage in a multi-party conversation
online, either synchronously, in real time, or asynchronously, in
postponed time (chapter 1). The situations in which such interac-
tions take place have been referred to in various ways, partly reflect-
ing the period in Internet history when they were introduced, and
partly reflecting the orientation and subject-matter of the group
involved, such as chatgroups, newsgroups, usergroups, chatrooms,
mailing lists, discussion lists, e- conferences, and bulletin boards. In
this book, I have used chatgroups as a generic term for world-wide
multi-participant electronic discourse, whether real-time or not. 1
There is a technical overlap with e-mailing: a mailing list is essen-
tially an e-mail address which redirects a message to a set of other
addresses. It is also possible for pairs of chatgroup members to
arrange to communicate privately by e-mail or using some other
messaging facility. However, from a linguistic point of view it is
important to distinguish the chatgroup from the e-mail situation
(chapter 4), in that the latter is typically between a pair of named
individuals (or institutions), with message-exchanges often lim-
ited to a single transaction, and relating to a specific, pre-planned
question. Chatgroups, by contrast, typically involve several people, 2



Many people restrict the term chat to real-time contexts only. It should also be noted that
some systems are very sensitive to the correct use of their own terminology: for exam-
ple, Usenet users operate in newsgroups (or groups), WELL users in conferences; Usenet
managers are called news administrators; Internet Relay Chat managers are operators.
Asynchronous groups have far more members, because there is no limit to the number
of people who can access the group, and there is no complication caused by members
belonging to different time-zones. Synchronous groups can get clogged if too many
people try to talk to each other at once, and many organizations try to limit population
growth. This issue is also a problem in virtual worlds: see p. 186. For a directory of
e-groups in the scholarly and professional spheres, see Diane Kovacs' compilation at
<http://www.n2h2.com/KOVACS> .



129



130 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

with message-exchanges often anonymous, continuing indefinitely,
and dealing with a wide and unpredictable range of issues. Although
there are several points of linguistic similarity between the two situ-
ations, the linguistic features and strategies taken up by chatgroup
participants are very different from those typically employed by
e-mail users.

In a synchronous setting, a user enters a chat 'room' and joins
an ongoing conversation in real time. 3 Named contributions are
sent to a central computer address and are inserted into a perma-
nently refreshing screen along with the contributions from other
participants. The online members of the group see their contribu-
tions appear on screen soon after they make them (all being well:
see below), and hope for a prompt response. In an asynchronous
setting, the interactions also go to a central address, but they are
then stored in some format, and made available to members of
the group only upon demand, so that people can catch up with
the discussion, or add to it, at any time - even after an appreciable
period has passed. It is not important for members to see their
contributions arrive, and prompt reactions are welcomed but not
assumed. Of the two situations, it is the synchronous interactions
which cause most radical linguistic innovation, as we shall see, af-
fecting several basic conventions of traditional spoken and written
communication. It is therefore better to begin this chapter with the
asynchronous type, where many of the interactions are much more
like those familiar in e-mail and in traditional written genres such
as the letter or essay.



Asynchronous groups

Discussion groups proliferated so remarkably in the 1990s that
it is difficult to make statements of any generality. The WELL
(= Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link), founded in 1985, had over

3 How this is done (the various procedures and types of participation - by subscription,
permission, open access, etc.) is not the concern of this book, except insofar as the list-
owner or moderator exercises linguistic influence: see below.



The language ofchatgroups 131

260 groups (referred to as conferences) by mid-2000. 4 The groups on
Usenet (referred to as newsgroups) are so multifarious that they are
organized in a hierarchy, with over 50 major domains dealing with
such topic areas as recreation, science, business, computing, and
news. The recreation domain, for example, in mid-2000 consisted
of over 300 groups devoted to such areas as comics (represented
by 9 groups), games (51 groups), pets (10 groups), and sport (19
groups), as well as more specific domains such as guns, heraldry,
juggling, and woodworking. Most of these headings contained fur-
ther groups, dealing with still more specific aspects of the topic. 5
LISTSERV®, first developed in 1986, is a software system for man-
aging electronic mailing lists (the lack of a final -e in the name
reflects the 8-character name-processing limitation of computers
at the time). It was handling over 180,000 lists by October 2000,
over 40,000 of them in the public domain. 6 At that date of enquiry,
there were no less than 1 62 devoted to the topic of 'language' and 44
to 'linguistics'. Looking at one of these areas in further detail: LIN-
GUIST, a specialized linguistics list founded in 1 990, had developed
70 conferences by late 2000. 7

Introductions, helplines, and pages of FAQs (frequently asked
questions) all stress the variety of style and tone, coverage and
treatment, which exists among these groups. 'It is almost impossible
to generalize over all Usenet sites in any non-trivial way', observes
the writer of an introduction to that system, 8 and a WELL writer
warns newcomers to the conferences it uses to illustrate the system
not to assume that other groups will be the same: 'each conference
has a distinct style'. 9 In the light of this diversity, and in the absence
of in-depth comparative surveys, 10 an introductory account can
do little more than illustrate the type of activity that takes place,



4 Further information at <http://www.well.com>. Quotations below are from this site.

5 Further information at <http://www.faqs.org/facs/usenet>.

6 Further information at <http://www.lsoft.com>.

7 Further information at <http://www.linguistlist.org>.

8 <http://www.faqs.org/facs/usenet/what-is/partl>, under 'Diversity'.

9 <http://www.well.com/aboutwell.html>.

10 But see Yates (1996), who compared a selection of features from a corpus of conference
data with spoken and written corpora.



132 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

point to the variety of approaches which already exist, and identify
some of the linguistic issues to which operations of this kind give
rise.

The aims of a group are indeed as diverse as it is possible to
conceive. Many are formed because of an interest in a particular
subject-matter, whether amateur or specialist. Others are there just
to talk or play games. The constituency of a group may be aca-
demic, professional, governmental, commercial, or social. As the
WELL writer comments, 'regulars check in frequently to offer ex-
pertise, debate ideas, play word games and indulge in banter and
gossip'. The informal descriptions capture this diversity. LISTSERV
has been described as a 'virtual coffee house'; 11 Usenet as a 'fair,
a cocktail party, a town meeting, the notes of a secret cabal, the
chatter in the hallway at a conference, a friday night fish fry, post-
coital gossip, the conversations overheard in an airplane waiting
lounge that launched a company, and a bunch of other things'. 12
Some systems permit the presence of extraneous content, such as
commercial advertisements; others do not. The more specialized
the topic, the more likely the content will be focused - and several
groups use moderators to ensure that the conversation does not
diverge from the subject too much (go off-topic). 13 However, the
amount of identity and responsibility given to contributors varies
greatly. Some allow anonymity of membership (see below), oth-
ers insist on real names being used. All emphasize the freedom
of expression that is present in the situation, while at the same
time warning users against the incautious use of that freedom. The
WELL aphorism, 'You Own Your Own Words' (YOYOW), stresses
this element of personal responsibility, and draws attention to the
need for 'mutual respect and co-operation' (cf. Grice's maxims,
p. 48).



11 <www.lsoft.com/manuals/1.8d/user/user.html>. However, it has both public (or open)
and private (or closed) lists, the latter with some degree of controlled access.

12 <http://www.faqs.org/facs/usenet/what-is/part2>.

13 Though what counts as off-topic is not always clear. A reference to the weather might be
considered off-topic by some, but good group rapport-forming by others.



The language of chatgroups 133

The systems all operate in roughly the same way 14 An organi-
zation provides a set of group options - such as the hierarchically
organized set of newsgroups on Usenet - which individuals who
have the appropriate software choose to join. Members then send
(post) their contributions (articles, messages, posts) to the group, and
the system makes these available to all addresses it holds, some of
which may be other networks of addresses. Messages may be saved
in files for future reading or searching (archives, notebooks, logs,
conferences), and catalogued with varying depth of detail in terms
of date, topic, author, etc. The management of each group, or of a
particular task within each group, is in the hands of an individual
person or small team, identified by such role-labels as list-owner,
editor, host, postmaster, maintainer, or moderator. Different systems
are known by their use of one or other of these labels, and often more
than one; for example, the person who owns a list and knows its
content may be labelled differently from the person who maintains
the list computationally. In this book, I use moderator as a con-
venient generic term for anyone who has managerial influence on
the operation of a group. Moderators exercise varying amounts of
power - for example, deciding whether a message is relevant or of-
fensive. Several groups have moderators whose power consists only
in whether to allow a message to appear or not (WELL hosts fall
into this category). Other groups allow their moderators to have
editing as well as filtering powers, enabling them to shorten an
overlong message, or to cut out obscenities, spam (p. 53), flaming
(p. 55), unauthorized advertising, and other unwanted material. Is-
sues of censorship and taste inevitably arise, in such contexts, and



1 1



However, the 'life' of a group is not the same. Although many groups have an indefinite
lifespan envisioned, others are created for specific and restricted periods of time. A school
or college may decide to create a conference chatgroup for a single year, or term, or for
part of a term, or for a particular project (as in the group studied by Davis and Brewer,
1997). Also, the students may only be able to access the group when in school, which
restricts operations to certain times of day. An academic group may decide to hold an
electronic conference over a precise period, allowing time for participants to have read
certain papers and to respond to them. For example, a linguistics online conference (the
first to be organized by the LINGUIST list) was held from 14 October to 4 November
1996 on the subject of binding theory.



134 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

'metadiscussions' about the role of the moderator are common-
place. In all cases, moderators belong to individual groups within
a system. There is no 'super-moderator' for a chatgroup system as
a whole, and no 'big brother' watching - benevolently or malevo-
lently-over the whole Internet chatgroup system, notwithstanding
popular suspicions to the contrary.

Many servers can circulate a message very quickly, within a
minute or so; it would be unusual for a delay to exceed half an
hour, though as always this depends on such factors as the com-
puter system used and the part of the world to which the message
is sent (cf. p. 31). Because messages can arrive at any time, and
users may not want to read them as they come in, some systems
(e.g. LISTSERV) provide a digest of all messages received during
a particular period of time, which can be accessed in one go at
a later stage. An index of the messages received in a period may
also be available, which users can scan before deciding which ones
to read. Additional files may be stored for access by group mem-
bers, such as minutes of meetings, magazine articles, agendas, and
academic papers. However, it is important to bear in mind that
some mail systems do not accept very large messages or message
digests (e.g. larger than 64kB or lOOkB). Technologically imposed
length constraints are an important factor influencing the linguis-
tic character of chatgroup messages, therefore, over and above the
pragmatic pressure on individuals to keep their contributions rela-
tively short. Chatgroups are unlikely to be a domain where lengthy
monologues or balanced dialogues - speeches, lectures, commer-
cial presentations, formal debates, and suchlike - are found. Or,
putting this another way, it would be pointless for anyone to try to
use in this way a medium which is designed to provoke and accept
short messages and multiple reactions. The point may be obvious,
but it is nevertheless a distinctive linguistic feature of the chatgroup
situation.

The asynchronous nature of the interaction is the heart of the
matter. Individual contributions to a group are saved and dis-
tributed as they come in, which may be at any time and separated by
any period of time. In one group I observed, several contributions



The language of chatgroups 135

were coming in every day; in another, over a hundred messages were
present, but spread out over a year; in a third, a group had received
no contributions for several years (and thus, I imagine, was de-
funct). Each contributor leaves a linguistic 'footprint', in that what
is said has a permanent pragmatic effect. In face-to-face commu-
nication, pragmatic effects are typically immediate and direct. In
an asynchronous list, the effect of a contribution is preserved over
an indefinable period of time - in much the same way that contact
with a broadcast interview can be indefinitely renewed, as long as
there is interest in it. It is a standard technique to embarrass politi-
cians, for example, by retransmitting their words years after they
were spoken. But it is not just politicians. Which of us, in everyday
conversation, have not had occasion to bless the fact that our ut-
terances are not being taken down to be later used in evidence? Yet
this is precisely the situation which obtains in asynchronous chat-
groups, where we ourselves put everything down, using our own
keyboards. Our individual e-conversations may come to an end,
but the text remains. We should not therefore be surprised if, at
some point - even years later - someone uses what we have said in a
way we did not intend, or quotes us out of context. The group man-
agers repeatedly warn their members about the long-term effect of
their contributions. As the WELL site says:

Remember that words you enter in a burst of inspired passion or
indignant anger will be there for you (and everyone) to read long
after your intense feelings are gone. This isn't meant to discourage
spontaneity and the expression of feelings on The WELL, but
merely to remind you of the long-term existence and effects of
what you write.

This pushes the situation much more in the direction of the written
language, as encountered in articles, books, and other 'permanent'
literature. There is an autonomy about the text, once it is posted,
much like that encountered in a book. Indeed, in looking at the
topic-list within a particular group, with its main headings and
sub-headings, there is a distinct resemblance to conventional book
divisions. Boyd Davis and Jeutonne Brewer found that, after the



136 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

student conference they studied was over, it came to be read differ-
ently: 'topics become chapters, even in print-out'. 15

Indeed, the reactions of the participants in the Davis and Brewer
study are interesting for another reason, as this further quotation
suggests:

Students forgot how to read across to find their entries. When one
group was presented with the print-out of the full conference, they
were momentarily puzzled until they could spread it out across
space and re-created the sense of connection they had when they
were part of the conference. Reading the artifact after the fact
demands a topical orientation which is not always sequential and
can be thematic across time and space.

The non-linear nature of the interaction is highlighted here, and
this as we shall see has all kinds of linguistic consequences. Just as
we can 'dip into' a book, so we can dip into a group. When joining
a group, we can call up a recent or distant topic, then begin with
the most recent postings, or go back to ones made days, months, or
even years ago. There is no given chronological beginning-point.
Topics are classified thematically or by author within directories.
Within a topic, there is a stronger sense of chronological linearity,
as messages are organized in the order in which the server received
them. However, this is a presentational linearity only, of no com-
municative consequence: there is no guarantee that a sender E,
responding to message A, has read any of the messages B, C, D
which may have been sent to the group in the interim. Indeed, E
does not know whether A will read E's response - or whether any-
one ever will. A may have logged off by the time E responds. And
it is always possible that a cluster of other messages may come in
(perhaps taking a topic in a different direction), so that when A
next logs on, E's message may be so far back in the queue that it
will not be noticed. Because there is no obligation on E to respond,
and no expectation on As part that E will respond, A may not go
looking for it. People's time is limited: Davis and Brewer found,
on the basis of internal evidence in their corpus (the way senders

15 Davis and Brewer (1997: 162).



The language of chatgroups 137

explicitly refer to previous messages), that members of their con-
ference read on average only between five and seven other postings
before sending their own. 16

With arbitrary entrance-points, and an ongoing accumulation
of topics, the adequate indexing of the messages in an asynchronous
chatgroup is critical. Attention needs to be paid to both coverage
(the range of subject-matter indexed) and treatment (how the in-
dexed information is presented). A traditional alphabetical index
of the group content will be only partly informative - it will be
useful for contributors' names, for example - but topical content
needs a thematic approach, so that subsets of semantically related
messages (threads) can be identified. Readers (as the student con-
ference example illustrates) need to be provided with a thematic
'map' of the message-structure of a group, when they access it.
In the students' case, their data was processed using the confer-
ence management program, VAXNotes (VAX = 'Virtual Address
extension' minicomputer), with each message assigned an ID, date,
topic title, and file-number; for instance, item 3.16 would be the
16th reaction to topic 3. The required approach has been called
topographic- 'a writing with places, spatially realized topics'. 17 And
the controlling semantic notion is the title assigned to the message
topic. Titles, as Davis and Brewer put it, enable us to 'read the "map"
of the conference as if we lived in the territory'; they give us a guide
to the 'conference topography'. 18 They are in many ways analogous
to the 'subjects' of e-mail, and operate under similar constraints
(p. 98). If they are too vague they are useless. If they are altered, it
becomes difficult to trace message themes.

Title threads grow in number as the theme of the conference
broadens. If I decide to set up a group called 'Influence of hamsters



Davis and Brewer (1997: 131). It is by no means clear whether this is due to practical
reasons (e.g. time availability) or psycholinguistic reasons (e.g. the amount of 'semantic
distance' required before someone loses the thread of a discourse). I am reminded of the
magic number seven, plus or minus two (Miller, 1969).

17 Bolter (1991: 25).

18 Davis and Brewer ( 1997: 54-5). Especially when the time-frames are extensive, there is an
urgent need for some sort of co-ordination mechanism to flag new relevant documents,
to stop one user's updates interfering with others: see Adams, Toomey, and Churchill
(1999).



138 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

in binding theory', then those who see such a group and decide
to join in are likely to be members of a fairly closed constituency,
interested in that highly specific topic and not expecting to en-
counter unrelated topics along the way Relatively few threads are
likely to be encountered (though one never knows). On the other
hand, if I set up a group called 'Language in the modern world' I
can expect to encounter a huge range of topics, which will generate
a large number of different title threads in the course of time. A
college group called 'Ideas for projects' or 'Reactions to course 300'
is likely to generate even more differentiated reactions. The titles do
far more than identify a particular topic; just as often they express
the intention, attitude, or viewpoint of the writer. So, alongside
specific content titles, which might be anything from 'Aardvarks'
to 'Zarathustra revisited', we find the following (taken from a vari-
ety of groups, but the first five from Davis and Brewer): 19

gut reaction
rambling
Calla's reply
response to Candace
Calla's response to Peter
my project, keep it going
am I still on this list?
that's true
yeah good question
hasty apology
quik question
I agree, Jeff

The analogy with newspaper style is compelling - especially those
which use such headlines as 'We agree, Tony', A good question',
'Our response to the colonels', and 'Gotcha'. Headlines which are
idiosyncratic and ludic attract the reader, and make it more likely

19 Davis and Brewer (1997: Appendix D2) . The authors also note the occurrence of particular
fads (especially involving language play) in titles - for example, a two-word formulaic
game which some of their students played for a while: Spud speaks, Sandra responds,
Crawford adds. . . (pp. 66 ff.).



The language of chatgroups 139

that their accompanying articles will be read. The same point ap-
plies to chatgroup messages. With so much competition for read-
ership, the message which has the intriguing title is the one more
likely to be picked up and responded to. This is another important
difference from the e-mail situation. Both e-mail writers and chat-
group writers look for responses, but whereas the e-mail writer is
surprised if no response arrives ('Didn't you get my e-mail?') the
chatgroup writer is not unduly disturbed if a message fails to elicit
an individual reaction. Chatgroup messages are contributions to
an ongoing discussion. The aim is to influence the discussion, to
correct a misapprehension, to express agreement, to remind people
that you exist, to 'sound off, to 'have your say'. If anyone is minded
to reply specifically, it is a bonus. A lack of reply is not taken person-
ally. Even in those cases where a writer asks a specific question of a
group ('Does anyone know where I can get . . .?'), the absence of a
reaction probably means only that nobody who read the message
knew. There is no sense of personal responsibility here - unlike that
which obtains in an e-mail situation, where we will respond with
a 'No' to such a question, if we do not know, apologise for our lack
of knowledge, and even apologise for the delay in sending the 'No'
if we have not replied promptly.

The pressure to maintain a practicable route-map of a discussion
means that, even in groups where titles in some groups are prone
to idiosyncrasy and ludic treatment, certain formulae do recur in
titles, focusing on the content of the discussion. Examples include:

Reply/ response/reaction to X [where X is the writer or the topic]

Re:X

ToX

Agree with X

Disagree with X

Further to 6.16

This last example, citing a previous message number, arises because
this sender was conscious of the screen distance which intervened
between his message and the one he was responding to. Here there
was a concern to keep the message thread going. Not everyone



140 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

co-operates, of course. Some senders seem to be so little concerned
with the status of their contribution that they may not bother to
title their message at all - which therefore appears in such a form
as <No title > . But the majority of contributors are more single-
minded about their interaction. They want others to read their
message. Therefore a clear and unambiguous title is crucial, and one
which will ensure that their message is related to the other relevant
messages in a thread. This is an important difference from the role
of the subject in e-mails. When an e-mail comes in, it will very likely
be read, or at least opened, simply because it is there - often with no
particular attention being paid to the subject line. 20 The identity of
the sender is typically far more relevant than the content; indeed, in
most cases the person is known to the receiver, and a personalized,
unidirectional message is anticipated. The common observation is
'Ah, so-and-so has replied' or 'There's a message from so-and-so',
and not 'Ah, here's an interesting topic' or 'That topic has come
up again.' You can avoid using the e-mail subject-line at all, and
many people do, or (feeling obliged to put something in, because
the software has prompted them) insert something vacuous, such
as 'various' or 'message'. This would be totally self-negating in a
mailing list, where people on the list will only be motivated to read
a message if they feel the topic is of interest to them. And in such
situations as classroom conferences, the same pressures obtain. In
these cases, the only means senders have of influencing others to
read their messages is through their titles.

The existence of personal and interactive elements in titles means
that they take on some of the character of a greeting. We would not
expect a message titled 'Response to Jeff' to begin 'Dear Jeff or 'Hi
Jeff. The link has already been made. In any case, the message is
not solely to Jeff; it is to the group as a whole. Jeff is simply the hook
on which to hang a particular response. Indeed, once a personal
name gets into a title, it becomes a theme in its own right: a whole
sequence of messages may come to be titled 'Re response to Jeff. Jeff

20 There are certain exceptions - such as a virus alert in which people are warned to look
out for a message with a particular subject line. Also, many e-mail users become adept
at filtering out messages which contain distinctive typography (p. 97).



The language of chatgroups 141

may in due course become a generic term: a message titled 'more
on Jeff does not have anything to do with Jeff as a person, but with
the content of the message he sent. The one-to-many nature of the
interaction thus makes a formal greeting unlikely 21 Newcomers to
the group, or people renewing contact after an absence, may begin
their message with a 'Hello everyone' type of remark, especially
if the group is small and closed in membership (as in a school
class conference). 22 'Ordinary' people writing to a personality (e.g.
in a group which has been set up to discuss a particular work,
with the involvement of the artist or author) often begin with the
personality's name. And when personalities respond, they tend to
greet their interlocutors by name, dealing with a series of messages
all at once (in much the manner of a framed e-mail, p. 1 1 8) . Teachers
in classroom conferences also count as personalities, in this respect.
But most writers go straight into the body of their message without
any greeting.

A common technique is to introduce a message with an explicit
reference to a previous posting, usually in the form of a quotation
from it or a paraphrase of it, as in these opening sentences:

(1) We're all democrats at heart? I don't think so.

(2) I never thought I'd hear someone talking about people power,
not in 2000.

(3) >I was living in a different universe. [The writer has pasted
this sentence from a previous message.] Isn't that the truth!

(4) Animated more, I'd say. [The writer is referring to a previous
question: 'Are we animals?']

Lengthy quotation is unusual - indeed, unnecessary, because the
previous messages are readily available in full. Little attention is paid
to the accuracy of quotation, and quotation marks are unusual. It
is the spirit rather than the letter of a message which is seen to
be significant, and earlier phrasing can be adapted to suit the new



21 In this situation. An important difference between asynchronous and synchronous groups
is that contributors to the latter do acknowledge the group in greetings and farewells.
Indeed, it is considered bad form if they do not (pp. 154-5).

22 'Hello' sequences, often ludic, were a feature of the classroom sample studied by Gillen
and Goddard (2000).



142 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

writer, as in the last example above. Even when contributions do
not start in this way, the body of the message contains a significant
re-use of salient individual lexical items. The term democrat, used
in (1), resurfaced in several succeeding messages from different
participants, until the conversation moved on. Extensive lexical
repetition (in words and phrases) was found to be a major feature
of the Davis and Brewer student conference, for example, suggesting
that a useful way of identifying thematic threads (or topic shifts)
in this kind of data will be to trace the use of individual lexical
items and their sense relations (synonyms, antonyms, hyponyms,
etc.). 23

From a pragmatic (as opposed to a semantic) point of view, what
is interesting about a quotation is that it performs two roles. First,
it conveys the illusion of adjacency, and thus makes the interaction
more like the real conversational world. Second, it is another way of
acknowledging group membership. In some respects, the explicit
harking back to previous content performs some of the function of
a greeting. Indeed, the strategy is common enough in face-to-face
conversation, where we may hear people beginning a conversation
by quoting something from their previous communicative encoun-
ters. An arrival at Holyhead railway station was met by someone
whose opening remark was 'Who's never going to travel on Sun-
days ever again, then?' - the point being that it was a Sunday, and
the person being met had evidently vowed, in those words, never
to undergo that experience again. Then there was the following
exchange, based on the participants' shared knowledge:

Colleague [introducing me] : This is David Crystal
New contact: Ah, Language Death.

The reference was to my narrative not causative role in this topic,
I am pleased to say, my book on that subject having recently ap-
peared. In such a circumstance, the quotation acted exactly as a
greeting, and I replied with a perfectly ordinary 'Pleased to meet

23 For sense relations in semantics, see Crystal (1997a: 104ff.). Textual links in an in-
troductory statement were a 'prototypical' feature of the corpus studied by Herring
(1996b: 88).



The language ofchatgroups 143

you'. In a Stoppardian setting, I can imagine several lines of play
dialogue being taken up in this way

Quotation is not the only way in which chatgroup messages are
linked, of course. All kinds of anaphoric cross-reference are also
found in opening sentences (p. 113):

Another good tool is . . .
The last time I tried it . . .
She does a good job . . .
Perhaps I should be clearer . . .

And sentence connectivity is present, especially among members
who are monitoring the messages so frequently that the interaction
verges on the synchronous (see below):

Or you could just . . .
Except you can't . . .
And it is easier to . . .

General feedback or back-channelling reactions are also found as
opening sentences - 'Yeah', 'Thanks', 'Wow!', 'Great idea' - as well
as discourse features such as 'Well' and 'Umm'. What is surprising,
of course, is that sometimes these close-binding links may appear
in messages separated by long periods of time. The impression is
always of a rapidly moving conversation - until we look at the
headers, to find that G wrote his message in April and H wrote her
reaction in December.

An interesting pragmatic asymmetry operates in some chat-
groups. They may not greet, but they do close. In some classroom
situations, virtually all the messages conclude with a farewell of
some kind - usually a simple name, but often preceded by a closing
formula, such as 'Cheers' or 'Take care', or an expression of affilia-
tion (All power to the Jeffs of this world'). Although the name of
the sender is clear from the header or directory listing, there is also
a strong tendency to add a personal signature, sometimes with all
the trimmings encountered in e-mails (p. 99). This is less likely in
a small group, or in one with closed membership (signatures were
not a feature of the Davis and Brewer corpus, for example). Hardly
any of the members of those WELL conferences that are publicly



144 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

available 24 end with a formal closure, though there is the occasional
greeting and mid-body naming. On the other hand, in a sample
of 200 personal contributions taken from several groups on the
LINGUIST list (that is, excluding circulars, conference announce-
ments, calls for papers, etc.) over 90% ended with some sort of
farewell, ranging from a casual 'Thanks a lot' to a formal affiliation
signature. 25 A great deal of variation in practice evidently exists.

The body of a chatgroup message does, however, display a few
typical features. Susan Herring identified a number of functional
macrosegments in her data, and concluded that 'participants are
aiming at an ideal message schema comprised of three functional
moves: an introduction, a contentful message body, and a close'. 26
Within the body, she found three further elements to be typical: a
link to an earlier message, an expression of views, and an appeal to
other participants. So, a typical message might be:

Introduction: Good to see that people are worried about this issue.
Body: Link: Smith thinks thatX is the case.

Expression of view: I disagree.

Appeal: Am I alone in this view?
Close: / look forward to hearing more on this.

This, along with any epistolary conventions of greeting and signa-
ture, made a 'balanced communicative unit'. 27

Also typical of chatgroup messages is their length, which tends
to be short. While I have seen contributions, especially to the
more in-depth discussions of professional groups, running to over
100 lines - or even reproducing whole articles - the vast major-
ity are very short indeed. A sample of 113 contributions - all the
contributions made to three WELL groups (each of which had
at least 30 members) - produced an average of 3.5 lines per



24 As of October 2000, there were two of these: Inkwell, vue and Point, vue.

25 A similar asymmetry between greetings and signatures was found by Herring (1996b:
87): in her discussion groups, only 13% of the messages were preceded by a salutation,
whereas 80% were followed by a signature.

26 Herring (1996b: 90-1).

27 The reference is to Halliday (1978: 187), who recognizes three functional components
within a language's semantic system: textual (i.e. links to other text), ideational (i.e.
language as reflective content), and interpersonal (i.e. language as action). In Herring's
terms, the introduction to a message is a textual link, the expression of views is ideational,
and the closing is interpersonal.



The language ofchatgroups 145

message; 28 20% of all messages were just 1 or 2 lines. The aver-
age number of paragraphs per message was 1.45; 70% were just a
single paragraph; the maximum number of paragraphs was 5, and
that happened in only 5 messages. Notwithstanding the gaps in
real time which separate the messages, the dialogue positively races
along, with succinct, punchy contributions. In classroom confer-
ences, the length is naturally greater, as students are making their
points in front of their teacher and peers, and the class teacher of-
ten responds at length. Even so, in a sample of 50 messages from a
group discussion of a novel in a US college, available on the Web,
the average message length was only 8.1 lines, and half of the con-
tributions were 6 lines or less. One student who wrote an emotional
response of 30 lines (the longest contribution in the sample) ended
his posting with an apology for its length. 29

Short responses are one of the features which give a chatgroup
interaction a dynamic, conversational feel. However, the fact that
they tend to be fairly consistent in length is actually a difference from
face-to-face conversation, which is by no means so balanced in its
turn-taking. 30 Everyday conversation is a perpetual competition for
'who gets the floor', which becomes greater as more people become
involved. Depending on the interest of a topic, the personality of a
speaker, and other such factors, so the turn-taking in a conversation
takes on a wholly asymmetrical and unpredictable character. A
short comment from A might elicit a lengthy narrative from B;
or a question from B directed at A might be interrupted by C.
In a common scenario, several people overlap in their speech or
talk at once. These factors simply do not arise in asynchronous
chatgroups, where interruptions and overlaps are impossible, and
nobody can grant anyone else the floor. 31



A line was full-screen width, in this count.

In Davis and Brewer's (1997) conference, lack of familiarity with the technology promoted
shortness of message length. The initial space available on the bottom half of the students'
screens was limited to some 5-7 lines - the top half showed the message being replied
to - and most users stuck to that, until they gained in confidence and began to use the
downward scrolling feature.
See Crystal and Davy (1969: ch. 4; 1976).

A degree of floor-granting takes place in those synchronous chatgroups where a moder-
ator intervenes and organizes a queue of speakers. See p. 184.



146 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Another conversation-like feature is the unpredictability of the
subject-matter. Although a particular topic motivates a message,
there is nothing to stop the writer from introducing a new topic,
angle, or allusion into it. Davis and Brewer use an ornithologi-
cal metaphor to capture the 'flocking' behaviour of their students,
as a cluster of writers 'migrate' to a new topic. 32 However, there is
nothing in asynchronous chatgroups quite resembling the random-
ness of the subject-matter in face-to-face conversation. 33 Perhaps
it is the sharpness of focus which comes from joining a group, or
perhaps it is something to do with the act of typing or the time
available to the typist, but the vast majority of messages I have seen
do stay surprisingly on-topic. Relevance (p. 49) seems to be a pow-
erful motivation, which all members share. If a contribution strays
too far from the subject-matter of a group, a moderator (if there is
one) may intervene, or other members may criticize. In Usenet, for
example, there is the convention ob- [— obligatory] placed in front
of a word to show that an attempt is being made to bring a topic
back to the point, after it has gone off in various directions (e.g.
obpassports was used after a discussion about passports had got
sidetracked into one on holidays). Contributors are only human,
of course, so they do find themselves going off-topic, from time
to time, but they usually realize this and often apologize for do-
ing so. One writer deleted (scribbled) his message to a group, then
immediately sent another message apologizing for having done so
and explaining why - his first message had been off-topic, as it
had been intended for some other group, and he was sorry for the
distraction. Anyone who writes persistently off-topic is likely to be
excluded. Moderators are mercifully absent from everyday conver-
sation, and topic-shift is not normally corrected by participants or
apologized for. Anyone may say 'That reminds me . . .' and change
the conversation's direction, without feeling self-conscious about
it or running the risk of being told to leave the room. Although
chatgroup discussion is much less tightly structured by compari-
son with virtually all other varieties of written language, it rarely



32 Davis and Brewer (1997: 137).

33 Again, synchronous chatgroups are a different matter: see p. 162.



The language ofchatgroups 147

becomes as unfocused, rambling, and inconsequential as everyday
conversation.

A further feature of face-to-face conversation which is found
in chatgroups is that the members accommodate to each other. 34
Although they come from many different backgrounds, and write
in many different styles, their contributions progressively develop
a shared linguistic character - the equivalent of a local dialect
or accent. Everyone comes to use certain types of grammatical
construction, slang, jargon, or abbreviations. Often the accom-
modation is short-lived. A particular locution may be taken up
as a fad by several members, and be used intensively for a while
before it dies away - though it may become part of the group's
communal memory, being resurrected from time to time. A typo-
graphical error can prompt a train of deviant spellings. A certain
competitiveness can exist, especially among smaller groups, with
members trying to 'one up' each other, perhaps by taking one
writer's pun and coining others on analogy, as in face-to-face
examples of 'ping-pong punning'. 35 Davis and Brewer found reg-
ular stylistic shifts in their student group: a new device (e.g. a
student using a particular feature, such as direct address) would
influence others for about five contributions before there was a
change.

A sample of messages from any chatgroup is likely to display a
similar use of certain linguistic features. The medium privileges the
personal and idiosyncratic contribution, and this has immediate
linguistic consequences. Davis and Brewer noted several features:
the 'overwhelming use of the pronoun f ; the frequency with which
it was used to introduce a personal comment (e.g. it seems to me);
and the reliance on private verbs (e.g. think, feel, know). 36 Herring
also identified the importance of these features in her data, under
the heading of 'expressing views', and also notes it seems to me,



34 For the notion of accommodation, see Giles, Coupland, and Coupland (1991).

35 See Crystal (1998: ch.l). For an analysis of humour in a Usenet context, see Baym (1995).

36 Davis and Brewer (1997: 85ff). Private verbs are those where the activities cannot be
publicly observed; they contrast with the public verbs, such as say and tell: see Quirk,
Greenbaum, Leech, and Svartvik (1985: 1181).



148 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

among others. 37 A very important feature is the use of rhetorical
questions or tag questions both to express a personal attitude and
to give extra emphasis to what one has just said. A typical strategy is
to make a statement and then query it oneself, as in these examples:

... we just can't afford it. Am I right?

... a machine for every student. Does X live in this world?

. . . would give everyone a qualification. What has that got to do

with it?
. . . would mean that we would all have jobs. Can we believe this?
. . . this is just a waste of time, don't you think?

Only occasionally do other members take such questions literally,
and respond directly to them.

The language of asynchronous messaging is a curious mixture
of informal letter and essay, of spoken monologue and dialogue.
Authors search for comparisons:

Conference discourse in our corpus was neither oral conversation
nor, usually, planned and edited exposition. Instead, with its heavy
contextualization and its extemporaneous keyboard composition,
it was more like a multiparty conversation among strangers who
are becoming acquaintances. 38

At the same time, it lacks some of the most fundamental properties
of conversation, such as turn-taking, floor-taking, and adjacency
pairing (p. 33). Reading through a conference log, we may get
the impression that such behaviours exist, but these are purely an
artefact of the corpus. As Davis and Brewer put it: 39

There is no real turn taking in electronic conference discourse.
Instead, there is an asynchronous exchange of messages about a
particular topic. . . . the contact is not with the other students, but
with the texts that the students have left behind.

There is moreover an element of tension between the motivation
to be spontaneously informal and the nature (and technological



37 Herring (1996b: 89). 3S Davis and Brewer (1997: 161)
39 Davis and Brewer (1997: 28).



The language ofchatgroups 149

limitations) of the medium. Experienced chatgroup members, fa-
miliar with a group's software, owning sophisticated personal hard-
ware, and with time available to be regular participants, can forget
that many aspiring chatgroup participants meet none of these cri-
teria. They may be working with machines that have very limited
editing facilities, for example, so that their messages take on a draft-
like character, with errors difficult to correct. But everyone has to
learn to live with the fact of data persistence, with their messages
becoming part of a corpus that cruelly retains all the infelicities
which characterize unplanned and unrevised text. Errors or inad-
equacies of expression last, in principle, for ever. Even if a sender
posts a later message correcting a misunderstanding, there is no
guarantee that future readers will see it.

This is just one of the cautionary points that relate to this
medium. College instructors who ask for feedback from their chat-
group students quickly encounter other problems. Several criti-
cisms of the asynchronous situation are made. The idea of getting
messages from a lot of people sounds exciting, at first, but the ex-
perience of being flooded with messages on a particular class dis-
cussion point can be overwhelming. Thirty or forty might come in
at once, and it is not as if each of these messages is going to be inter-
estingly different from the others. There is likely to be a great deal of
repetitiveness and banality. Forty people all saying that they 'did' or
'did not' like a chapter in a novel soon ceases to be inspiring. Every
teacher knows the boredom that can set in when marking large
numbers of essays. In an electronic classroom, the boredom ele-
ment is distributed to all. As one student put it: 'I don't want to know
what everyone else in my class thinks every week.' The problem,
however, is not the classroom, but the medium. The asynchronous
chatgroup is a medium that promotes redundancy. Because mem-
bers do not know what others have said until their messages appear
on screen, duplicated subject-matter is inevitable. 40

On the other hand, the benefits which come from the medium are
considerable. In the classroom case, both students and teachers cite

40 This affects synchronous chatgroups too: cf. the 'losing' convention, p. 184.



150 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

the opportunity it provides for equal participation. Students who
might be reserved in a real-world class, or who find no opportunity
to make a contribution there (perhaps because of class sizes or the
presence of hyperverbal classmates), now have an equal chance to
make their voice heard - and several of those voices will have novel
and stimulating things to say Such groups are especially valued by
those students with limited or irregular hours - perhaps because
they have to work for their living in order to attend college - and
for whom communicative flexitime is a godsend. The situation also
helps them get to know the other members of their class, especially
if the class does not meet often (infrequent real-life encounters
increase the motivation for engaging in a chatgroup). But above all,
the classroom conference facilitates the exchange of ideas among a
population operating at the same educational level - as opposed to
interactions with teachers or other experts. And it is this peer-group
factor which characterizes asynchronous chatgroups in general.
People join a group because they know they are talking to their
peers. They are assumed to be equals (whether they are, in real life,
or not) and will be judged as such, on the basis of the quality of their
messages. Language, accordingly, becomes the primary means of
establishing and maintaining group membership and identity.

It seems likely, then, that - once proper descriptive work has been
carried out - asynchronous chatgroups will emerge as a distinct
variety of language (p. 6). Some writers, conscious that we are
dealing with a relatively recent technology, have been uncertain
about this. Davis and Brewer, for example, describe their classroom
conference as 'a new register in written electronic discourse, more
complex than one would at first assume', and at the end of their
study cautiously suggest that it is 'apparently an emergent register'. 41
Their caution is chiefly due to the fact that their users - students
engaged in a specific task - were involved for only a relatively short
period of time, and thus had little opportunity to evolve the kind of
communal linguistic conventions that a register would require. Yet
the amount of shared linguistic distinctiveness which did emerge

41 Davis and Brewer (1997: 34, 157).



The language ofchatgroups 151

among their students is impressive, and the fact that several of
these features are found in other asynchronous group settings is
a persuasive argument for the status of this mode of electronic
communication as a linguistic variety.



Synchronous groups

In a synchronous group, electronic interactions are taking place
in real time. But there are several ways of making this happen.
Some systems are designed to facilitate communication between
just two users; others among several users. Unix (or UNIX) Talk is
an early example of the first type. 42 A conversational exchange of
text can take place between two people, A and B: when a connection
is made, using a normal phone connection between e-addresses,
each person's monitor screen is split into an upper half and a lower
half. Everything A types is displayed in the upper half of As screen
and the bottom half of B's screen, and vice versa. The words are
displayed as they are typed, character by character. Both people can
be typing at the same time, with input coming in simultaneously
with output. The communication is private, like e-mail; there is
no moderator. Related Unix developments include a Write facility
which allows A to send an instant message to someone who is already
logged in: B is notified on screen that someone is trying to make
contact. There is also a Ytalk facility, which enables Talk messages
to be sent to more than one person.

Internet Relay Chat (IRC) is the chief example of the second
type. 43 This allows several users to be simultaneously in touch with
each other. They connect to one of the IRC servers on a partic-
ular network, and join one of the channels (or chat rooms) held
there, each one devoted to a particular topic and prefixed by a hash
symbol. Some are identified by country name (e.g. #gb), some
by common interests (e.g. #sport, #poetry), some by age group

42 For UNIX, see <http://www.bell-labs.com/history/unix>.

43 For IRC, see <http://www.irchelp.org>, Rheingold (1993). IRC data is the basis of a
study by Werry (1996).



152 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

(e.g. #41plus) or the use of a technology (e.g. #mac, #www). A
large network, such as EFnet, Undernet, IRCnet, or DALnet, has
thousands of channels, and regularly connects tens of thousands
of people, each of whom is identified by a session nickname (nick).
Many medium-size and local networks also exist. Any user can
create a new channel and become its operator (op); operators have
total control over their channel, deciding who joins or is excluded
(banned). Like Talk, it is a text-only medium. Unlike Talk, it uses
the whole screen, though most communicative activity takes place
at the top. Also unlike Talk, it allows either private communi-
cations, between just two people (who may or may not be on
the same channel) or public communications (where everyone
on your channel can see what you type). It may or may not be
moderated.

Both types of synchronous chat depart from the principles un-
derlying face-to-face conversation (see chapter 2). As with asyn-
chronous groups, the notion of turn-taking and its associated con-
cepts (such as interruption) is once again undermined. Even in the
one-to-one situation of Unix Talk, it is not always the case that A
waits for B to finish typing a message before A sends a reply. Of-
ten the two parties are typing simultaneously or in an overlapping
mode:

A sends message 1

B starts to reply to message 1

A sends an afterthought to message 1 while B's reply is still

coming in

A reacts to B's reply

B reacts to As afterthought

B makes another point

etc.

If As message becomes at all lengthy, B may react to the first part of
it, not waiting for As later points to be made. A may then choose
to postpone making those points, and take up what B has said,
or choose to ignore B's intervention and carry on with them. A
may then look back at B's intervention and react to it, along with
any other interventions B may also have made in the interim, in



The language of chatgroups 153

one go. And so the conversation proceeds, in a mixture of sequence,
simultaneity, and overlap. This is not something A would have been
able to do in face-to-face conversation, where interruptions either
succeed or they are crushed, and overlapping speech is minimal.
The scenario of two people talking in parallel and at length while
retaining full mutual understanding is inconceivable. It should also
be remembered that As messages are in the upper half of the screen
and B's below (or vice versa):

A sends message 1

A sends an afterthought to message 1 while B's reply is still

coming in

A reacts to B's reply

B starts to reply to message 1
B reacts to As afterthought
B makes another point

It therefore becomes extremely difficult to follow the sequence of
events involved in the interaction. Even in a case where each party
obediently waits for the other to finish before replying, the split-
screen display does not make this clear:

A sends message 1
A sends message 2
A sends message 3

B sends message 1
B sends message 2
B sends message 3

There is no way of knowing, from a log of this interaction, whether
the messages alternated neatly, or whether two of B's three mes-
sages were sent after As second message, or whether some other
sequencing took place.

With multiparty interaction, the situation immediately becomes
potentially much more confusing. You enter a chatgroup at a ran-
dom point, not knowing how many other people are involved, who
they are, or what they have been talking about. You might find your-
self in the middle of a conversation like this (the nickname of each



154 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

member appears at the beginning of the line and is shown in angle
brackets):

<Allvine> why on earth not?

<Roughneck> cos nobody wants to buy any

<Looopy> I'd buy some anytime

<Allvine> yeah but we aint all as rich as you

<Tootle2> youwouldnt

<Annjewel> Beatles CDs are real cheap at our local store . . .

You can find out a little about who the participants are (by typing a
Iwhois command), 44 but the only way to find out what is going on
is to sit back and watch for a while. 'Make sure you follow the con-
versation before interrupting someone' says the Chatnet manners
file, 45 and other networks offer similar advice. When you do decide
to join in, you need to adopt a different conversational strategy
and set of expectations about interaction. As with asynchronous
groups, even basic conventions, such as greeting and leave-taking,
are adapted. There is no symmetry to the exchange, for example.
When signing on, the IRC software tells the other users that you
have arrived (showing that the message is software-generated by
the use of the triple asterisk):

***DC has joined channel #linglang

You may greet everyone if you wish, by saying 'Hello everyone' or
the like, but few if any of the other members will reply. If every-
one did, after all, it would flood the screen. There is an automatic
greeting facility, whereby the system immediately says 'Hi all', or
suchlike; however, many consider auto-greet to be poor chatgroup
etiquette, because it removes the personal element which is a part
of the medium. Some IRC help manners pages are quite firm on
the point: 'Scripts that automatically greet people are considered
rude and not welcomed.' 46 Similarly, when you are about to leave,

44 /whois elicits a small piece of information originally provided by the group member, e.g.
a self- description, an e-mail address, a favourite like or dislike, or a favourite quote.

45 <http://www.chatnet.org/etiquette.htm> .

46 From the Galaxynet NETiquette page: <http://www.galaxynet.org>.



The language of chatgroups 155

you may precede your departure with a reason - good etiquette, to
avoid any suggestion that you are leaving in a huff- but again, few
if any others will acknowledge. 47

Following your arrival, you may decide to send a comment re-
lating to what Allvine, for example, has just said. However, you do
not know if Allvine will react to it, or even see it (he - if it is a he,
for the gender of a nick is often unclear, as we shall see - may not be
watching the screen at that moment) . Others may choose to react to
it instead - and more than one person may react at the same time,
making the same point independently. Further new arrivals to the
group, in the meantime, will react to a point without having seen
the earlier points that a member has made, which may already have
anticipated their reaction. There is a permanent shifting of the goal-
posts. Nor can any real-world time-scale be taken for granted: the
order in which messages arrive is governed by factors completely
outside the control of the participants, such as the speed of their
computers and the processing capacities of the service providers.
None of this makes for a 'conversation' in the conventional sense
of the term.

The point about timing is of especial relevance for synchronous
chatgroups. In chapter 2 (p. 31) I discussed the notion of lag —
the time it takes for a sender's typing to appear on the screens
of others. Lag is not a serious issue in asynchronous groups, as
computer-mediated delays will not usually be noticed, given the
elongated time-frames involved; but in synchronous groups it is
critical. If an intervention is delayed too long it becomes irrelevant,
as the conversation has moved on. And all lags add a degree of dis-
ruption to what is already a fairly complex interaction. Chatgroup
lags range from slight delays of a few seconds to the total disap-
pearance of group members. A particularly disturbing situation
is the 'Netsplit' which happens in IRC, where one of the servers

47 The variety of group practices must be respected, nonetheless: the IRC group studied by
Gillen and Goddard (2000) did make use of greeting and farewell sequences, including
ludic variants. In their group, though, the names of the participants who are on-line at
any time are shown in a panel on the screen, which perhaps establishes a greater sense
of personal presence in the interaction, and thus raises expectations that such sequences
will be used.



156 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

(e.g. in Australia) loses its connection with the others (e.g. in the
UK, Canada, USA, Japan). In this illustration, any Australian par-
ticipants in the chatgroup would suddenly sign off, without warn-
ing, leaving unanswered communications in cyberlimbo. From the
point of view of the other members, there is no way of knowing
whether someone has left deliberately or not. The situation only
clarifies when the link is restored and the other participants emerge
online again.

The widespread experience of lag, and the knowledge of its
causes, must be one of the factors which influence the overall length
of chatgroup messages. People are under pressure to keep their mes-
sages short, over and above the natural tendency to save time and ef-
fort while sending. IRC makes this very plain in its help manners file:

Do not 'dump' to a channel or user (send large amounts of
unwanted information). This is likely to get you kicked off the
channel or killed off from IRC. Dumping causes network 'burps',
connections going down because servers cannot handle the large
amount of traffic anymore.

The principle applies not just to large amounts of text, but to all
chat messages. 'Do not repeat in a channel', says the Galaxynet
NETiquette page. And indeed, there are several signs of a marked
trend towards succinctness: paragraph-like divisions are extremely
rare; contributions tend to be single sentences or sentence-
fragments; and word-length is reduced through the use of abbre-
viations and initialisms. Typical contributions are:

i feel much better now

think I'll sit this one out

where R U

how it going?

hi Rococu

who wanna msg me [— message]

yeah right

someone has taken my nick!!!!!

A sample of 100 direct-speech contributions taken from published
log data showed an average of 4.23 words per contribution, with



The language of chatgroups 157

80% of the utterances being 5 words or less. 48 The words them-
selves are short: nearly 80% of 300-word samples of direct-speech
taken from logs (excluding proper names) were monosyllabic; in-
deed, only 4% were words longer than 2 syllables. This places syn-
chronous chatgroup utterances a little behind everyday conversa-
tion, which is even more monosyllabic, and ahead of journalism,
which is much less so. 49 Certainly, such short utterances help to
promote rapid distribution and enable the conversations to take
on more of a real-time dynamic.

The fact that messages are typically short, rapidly distributed (lag
permitting), and coming from a variety of sources (any number
of people may be online at once) results in the most distinctive
characteristic of synchronous chatgroup language: its participant
overlap. This example from a study by Susan Herring illustrates
the textual character of overlap in a short interaction between five
participants: 50

1. <ashna> hi jatt

2. *** Signoff: puja

3. <Dave-G> kally i was only joking around

4. <Jatt> ashna: hello?

5. <kally> dave-g it was funny

6. <ashna> how are u jatt

7. <LUCKMAN> ssa all

8. <Dave-G> kally you da woman!

9. <Jatt> ashna: do we know eachother?. I'm ok how are you



Typical extracts are reproduced in Werry (1996), Bechar-Israeli (1996), and Paolillo
(1999). 'Direct speech' here excludes activity descriptions (e.g. 'P has left channel Z'),
reports of nickname changes ('X is now known as Y'), and other formulaic statements.
In such cases, the sentence length is somewhat longer - 6.08 words per statement (for a
sample of 100). Werry (1996: 53) also found an average of 6 words in his data. Direct-
speech contributions in virtual worlds are longer still (see p. 187), but this is because of
a greater proportion of longer utterances; about a half of the contributions there are still
5 words or less.

The conversational data in Crystal and Davy (1969: ch. 4) showed 84% monosyllabic
and 11% disyllabic. The two journalistic extracts (1969: ch. 7) showed (for the Daily
Express) 63% and 25% respectively, with words up to 5 syllables in length, and (for The
Times) 62% and 18% respectively, with words up to 7 syllables in length. The main point
of contrast is in trisyllabic words, where The Times has four times as many trisyllables as
IRC.
Herring (1999: 5)



158 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

10. *** LUCKMAN has left channel #PUNJAB

11. *** LUCKMAN has joined channel #punjab

12. <kally> dave-g good stuff:)

13. <Jatt> kally: so hows school life, life in geneal, love life,
family life?

14. <ashna> jatt no we don't know each other, i fine

15. <Jatt> ashna: where r ya from?

Messages from one exchange routinely interrupt another. If we
disentangle them, we can see that there are basically two exchanges:
Ashna and Jatt are carrying on one conversation:

1. <ashna> hi jatt

4. <Jatt> ashna: hello?

6. <ashna> how are u jatt

9. <Jatt> ashna: do we know eachother?. I'm ok how are you

14. <ashna> jatt no we don't know each other, i fine

15. <Iatt> ashna: where r ya from?

Dave-G and Kally are carrying on another:

3. <Dave-G> kally i was only joking around

5. <kally> dave-g it was funny

8. < Dave- G> kally you da woman!

12. <kally> dave-g good stuff:)

Jatt then starts another conversation with kally:

13. <Jatt> kally: so hows school life, life in geneal, love life, family
life?

In addition, Puja and Luckman leave the session (the asterisks show
messages produced by the IRC software):

2. *** Signoff: puja

7. <LUCKMAN> ssa all

10. *** LUCKMAN has left channel #PUNJAB

11. *** LUCKMAN has joined channel #punjab

Each exchange is interrupted by messages from the other, destroy-
ing any conventional understanding of adjacency pairing (p. 33).



The language of chatgroups 159

Moreover, this is a fairly simple example, compared with those
where a given message may result in multiple replies from partici-
pants, or where replies come in after a considerable gap (separations
of stimulus and response by as many as fifty messages have been
noted). A further confusion arises if a message from one mem-
ber of the group is repeated. Herring reports, in another of her
studies, that over a third of all participants (N= 117) who posted
messages received no response, which led to some of them sending
their message more than once (cf. spamming, p. 53). She con-
cludes: 'Violations of sequential coherence are the rule rather than
the exception in CMC [computer-mediated communication].' 51
The effect somewhat resembles a cocktail party in which every-
one is talking at once - except that it is worse, because every guest
can 'hear' every conversation equally, and every guest needs to
keep talking in order to prove to others that they are still in-
volved in the interchange. In a real-life party, if someone is not
talking, you can at least see that (s)he is still paying attention. In
a chatgroup, silence is ambiguous: it may reflect a deliberate with-
holding, a temporary inattention, or a physical absence (without
signing off). That is one reason why some of its conversations
seem so pointless: the contributors are talking to maintain their
screen presence, even though they may not in fact have anything
to say.

The use of nicknames (nicks) is a highly distinctive feature of
synchronous chatgroup language. Some use of nicks is also found
in asynchronous groups, sometimes replacing, sometimes supple-
menting the use of a real name; they may also be a feature of
e-mail addresses. But nick practice is primarily associated with
synchronous groups and the interactions of virtual worlds, where
people rarely use their real name. The choice of a nick is a ritual
act, demanded by the culture to which the individual aspires to
belong, and - as with all naming practices - a matter of great com-
plexity and sensitivity. However, unlike traditional nicknaming,
chatgroup practice is influenced by extraneous factors, notably the

51 Herring (1999: 9).



160 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

principles introduced by the network. 52 The core principle is that
nicknames are not owned, in any permanent sense. When you join
a chatgroup, you may choose any nick you wish (within the limi-
tations imposed by the system - see below), but if someone else in
the group has already chosen that nick the software will not allow
you to use it. Nick clashes are not permitted. The task, then, is to
create a nick that is so distinctive that other people will not also hit
upon it, and thus enable you to stay with the same nick every time
you log-in to a particular group. As with all self-selected names
(such as car licence plates and CB handles), owners get attached
to them. The nick is their electronic identity: it says something
about who they are, and acts as an invitation to others to talk to
them. People who feel they belong to a particular group will wish
to retain that identity, if only to ensure that they are recognized as
being the same person each time they log on. 53 They get upset if
they find they cannot use it, for some reason - such as the German
character described by Haya Bechar-Israeli, Bonehead, who found
his name had been taken over by real-world neo-Nazis, and who
was thus forced to find an alternative (cLoNehEAd) . 54 Unless the
group is very small, therefore, ordinary names (e.g. Fred, Sheila)
are thus unlikely to appear as nicks, because they stand a greater
chance of being duplicated. On the other hand, weird and won-
derful nicks are very much the norm, and their study is going to
provide onomastics with a fascinating domain in due course.

The devising of a nick is not as easy a task as might at first be
thought. Users are restricted to a single string of characters (in the
case of IRC, up to nine, with no spaces allowed). Any upper- and
lower-case letters can be used, along with numerals, hyphens, and
a few other keyboard symbols not already functional within the



52 It is also different in that chatgroup nicks are chosen by the users themselves, and not
given to them by others. In real life, also, a person may have several nicknames at once,
depending on the social circumstances, whereas only one at a time is allowed on a
chatgroup channel.

53 There have even been software programs written to help people preserve their nicks, e.g.
NickServ, a Germany-based nickname registration service. This ran from 1990 to 1994,
when problems of maintenance and equitable application forced it to close.

54 Bechar-Israeli (1996).



The language of chatgroups 161

software program. The nicks may be words or phrases, sense or
nonsense. Because the number of possible real name-like words
is limited, people regularly play with the typography or morphol-
ogy, producing linguistic creations of sometimes virtuoso qual-
ity. Bechar-Israeli classified the nicks in one corpus of 260 names
in terms of the semantic preferences expressed. 55 Almost half re-
lated to characteristics of the self (a person's character, appearance,
profession, hobbies, location, age, etc.), with other categories, in
preference order, as follows:

Self: <shydude>, <sleepless>, <pilot>, <Dutchguy>, <irish>,

<cloudkid>, <oldbear>, <bfiancee> <EKIMslave>
Names to do with technology and the medium: <pentium>,

<pcman>
Names to do with flora, fauna, and objects: <froggy>, <tulip>,

<BMW>, <cheese>
Names to do with famous characters, real or fictitious: < Godot > ,

<BeaMeup>, <Elvis>, < Stalin >
Names to do with sex and provocation: <sexpot>,

<buttspasm>, <HITLER>, <HAMAS>

Names were also 'empty' (<me>, <so_what>), sonic (<tamtam>,
<tototoo>), ludic (<gorf> [— frog]), and typographically playful
(<myTboy>, <cLoNehEAd>). It is possible to change one's nick
at any time, and some groups do actually play around with their
nicks, informing the other members that '<flurb> is now known
as <slonk>', and initiating a series of temporary changes at great
speed. Everyone in the interaction may change their name in a cer-
tain way - for example, adding a numeral to their nick, or adopting
the name of an animal - before changing back.

Nicks have a discourse value, also, in that they provide a crucial
means of maintaining semantic threads in what is otherwise a po-
tentially incoherent situation. When interactions become complex,
members name each other - usually before, sometimes during or

55 Given the idiosyncratic nature of many names, classification is a real problem. Many
items are highly ambiguous or uninterpretable.



162 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

after the body of their message - as a discourse signal to the intended
recipient. This is not necessary when just two or three members
are holding the floor on a single topic, or where people are directly
addressing a topic rather than an individual, or where a topic is so
distinct from the surrounding 'noise' that any contributions to it
are unambiguous. But relatively few synchronous chats are so well
organized, and the use of nicks in direct address thus becomes an
invaluable means of linking sets of messages to each other. They are
analogous to the role of gaze and body movement in face-to-face
conversation involving several people: in talking to A, B, C, and D,
I can single out B as the recipient of a question simply by mak-
ing eye-contact, and while I am doing that other people can talk
to each other without confusion. Naming is unnecessary in such
circumstances. It would be most unusual to hear:

Mary: John, are you going to rehearsal tonight?
John: Mary, yes I am.
Mary: John, what time?
John: Mary, about six.

Initial naming of this kind takes place in spoken interaction only
when the parties cannot see each other, such as a telephone confer-
ence call, or in radio programmes where an interviewer is dealing
with several people at once:

Frank Smith, what are your views on this?

Even there, it is not so common as in the chatgroup situation. 56

Unlike asynchronous conversations, topics decay very quickly.
It is in fact not at all easy for group members to keep track of a
conversation over an extended period of time. Not only do other
people's remarks get in the way, some of those remarks actually
act as distractions, pulling the conversation in unpredictable di-
rections. The pull may even take the entire interaction well away
from the supposed topic of the channel. In one of Herring's studies,



Initial clarificatory naming was conventional practice in Werry's (1996) IRC samples.



The language of chatgroups 163

nearly half of all turns were off-topic. 57 It may only take a slight
semantic shift to start a drift towards another topic - such as might
be triggered by a playful remark. A comment about Tony Blair,
for example, elicits a rhyme on hair, which leads to a participant
wishing he (the participant) had more hair . . . and gradually the
topic moves in a new direction. In unmoderated channels, it may
never get back to where it was. Nor is 'where it was' a clear concept,
as there are often several topics being discussed in parallel - not
only between different pairs of discussants (as illustrated above),
but by the same discussant. P writes on topic X to Q while Q writes
on topic Y to P. Sophisticated performances can be found among
experienced chatgroup members, with someone keeping several
conversations going simultaneously (sometimes even on different
channels, using different screen windows). 58 But for most people,
following a multidimensional conversation is extremely difficult,
with the need to maintain close attention to a rapidly scrolling
screen.

Several formal features of synchronous chatgroups make this
variety of Netspeak highly distinctive. The nick- initiated lineation,
with names in angle brackets, is one such feature. Another is the
identification of message-types generated by the software. In IRC,
for example, as we have seen, system messages are introduced by
the triple-asterisk convention. These formulaic messages give infor-
mation about such matters as which participants are present, who
is joining or leaving a channel, or whether someone is changing
identity:

***DC has joined channel #suchandsuch

***Signoff: DC

***DC is now known as CD



57 Herring (1999: 10).

58 Presumably this often happens, not because people have several equally competing inter-
ests, but because they find a single channel insufficiently stimulating. Cynical observers
might conclude that such 'multi-taskers' are trying to escape the boredom which must
be present on many channels, with most of the participants having nothing to say. It is
difficult to avoid the impression that, in some groups, an issue that might give people
cause to worry (p. 1) is more to do with poverty of content than of language.



164 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Actions or comments on the part of participants are in this sys-
tem introduced by a single asterisk: 59 when someone types /me
followed by an action, the software substitutes the person's nick,
and expresses the action as a commentary-like narrative, usually
using the 3rd person singular present tense. For example, if I (nick:
<DC>) type

/me is totally confused

it will appear on the communal screen as

*DC is totally confused

There are several other sources of visual distinctiveness, most
of which can be found in other Internet situations. Smileys
(p. 36) - or, at least, one or two basic types - are fairly common.
Rebus-like abbreviations and colloquial elisions give sentences an
unfamiliar look (e.g. are > r, you > u, and > n), as does the tran-
scription of emotional noises (e.g. hehehe, owowowowow), filled
pauses (e.g. um, er, erm), and comic-book style interjections (e.g.
ugh, euugh, yikes, yipes). Christopher Werry found similar features
in his French sample: qqn ['quelqu'un'], c [Vest'], t ['tu']. 60 Also
distinctive are the character sequences found in nicks, which com-
bine symbols in unusual ways (e.g. DC77DC, aLoHA!, TwoHands).
Internal sentence punctuation and final periods are usually miss-
ing, but question-marks and exclamation-marks tend to be present.
The apostrophe is commonly absent from contracted forms, in a
manner reminiscent of George Bernard Shaw. Emotive punctua-
tion is often seen in an exaggerated form (p. 89), such as hey!!!!!!!
An entire message may consist of just a question-mark, expres-
sive of puzzlement, surprise, or other emotions. Perverse spellings
(e.g. out of > outta, see you > cee ya, seems > seemz, French ouais
['oui' = c y es '] ; P- 88) and typographical errors are frequent. Cap-
italization is regularly ignored, even for 7, but is scrupulously rec-
ognized in nicks. Typical sentences are:

59 This use of the asterisk should not be confused with its linguistic function as a marker of
ungrammaticality: p. 100.



60



Werry (1996: 55).



The language of chatgroups 165

i dont know why
you da right person
how ya doin
wanna know why
i got enuf
it wuz lotsa lafs

Grammar is chiefly characterized by highly colloquial construc-
tions and non-standard usage, often following patterns known in
other dialects or genres. The following examples show the omission
of a copular verb (a form of be as main verb), an auxiliary verb, non-
standard concord between subject and verb, and the substitution
of one case form for another:

ifine

me is 3 1

you feeling better now?

Nonce-formations are common - running words together into a
compound (what a unifreakinversitynerd), or linking several words
by hyphens (dead-slow-and-stop computer). Word play is ubiqui-
tous. New jargon emerges - hamfl, for example, which some use
to mark their final utterance when leaving a live group (the word
is from the X-Men comic book, where one of the characters makes
this noise before teleporting).

Although the use of non-standard formations, jargon, and slang
varies from group to group, all synchronous chatgroups rely heav-
ily upon such processes, presumably as a mechanism of affirming
group identity. It is notable j ust how many distinct conventions have
grown up in such a short time. Different systems have their indi-
vidual command-dialects. The use of screen colours varies greatly,
with some channels banning coloured text or an excessive use of
colour. Certain abbreviations or terms are associated with a par-
ticular system or channel. Feedback preferences vary - whether a
group says <grins> or abbreviates it to <g>, for example. A partic-
ular kind of misspelling may have privileged status in one group,
due to its having attracted everyone's attention at some time. A
newcomer quickly realizes that everyone in the group spells, say,



166 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

computer as comptuer, or as commuter, and does the same. Each
group has its own history, and a group memory exists (often semi-
institutionalized in the FAQs for that group) and is respected. In a
multilingual group, the way others code-switch will be an impor-
tant index of identity 61 Maintaining the identity of the group is the
important thing, especially as there is no other sort of identity to
rely upon, given that personal anonymity is the norm.

The anonymity of the medium is one of its most interesting fea-
tures, in fact, though a discussion of this phenomenon leads us
away from linguistics and into social psychology 62 Yet it is impor-
tant to note that, when participants are anonymous, the language
of the interaction, as presented on screen, is all other group mem-
bers have to go on. Subconsciously, at least, participants will be
paying special attention to everyone's choice of words, nuances of
phrasing, and other points of content and presentation. Although
the ideal involvement is one of trust, commentators and partici-
pants alike are well aware - from years of hoaxes, viruses, name
forgeries, and other misbehaviour - that the Internet is a poten-
tially deceptive, dangerous, and fraudulent medium. Who knows
what the intentions are of the latest visitor to a chatroom or the
new role-player in a fantasy game? They may or may not be genuine
new members. Members are very largely dependent on newcomers'
choice of language to determine their bona fides, and this fact alone
is beginning to prompt a great deal of interest and research. For
example, because it is very difficult to become quickly adept in a
new variety of language, interlopers are likely to stand out. If an
adult chose to visit a teenage chatroom, it would be very difficult
for the visitor to adopt or maintain the assumed teenage identity,
given the many linguistic differences (especially of slang) between
the generations. Similarly, a male in a female chatroom (or vice
versa) - an extremely common occurrence - would also encounter
difficulties in adopting the right persona, given the many points
of difference which sociolinguists have noted between male and

61 Paolillo (1999) notes the use oflocal languages as a marker ofin-group identity in regional
or immigrant groups, e.g. the use of Hindi on the #india channel. Werry (1996: 56) found
a use of re borrowed from English by his French IRC community, in the sense 'hello again'.

62 It is a major theme of Wallace (1999), for example.



The language of chatgroups 167

female speech. 63 Some studies have already identified salient con-
trasts in certain Internet situations. One study of an academic
newslist showed that males, inter alia, sent longer messages, made
stronger assertions, engaged in more self-promotion, made more
challenges, asked fewer questions, and made fewer apologies. An-
other study, of material from newsgroups and special interest
groups, showed that women used more smileys (p. 36) than men. 64
Not enough research has been done to determine how far differ-
ences of this kind will translate into reliable intuitive impressions
about gender, age, or other personal characteristics. But there is un-
doubtedly much of social-psychological-linguistic interest here.



Why chat?

The distinction between asynchronous and synchronous situations
is not absolute. Some authors have noted the 'asynchronous qual-
ity [of] synchronous computer conferences'. 65 If someone is offline,
in a synchronous chatgroup, messages can be left in that person's
buffer to be read later. Or again, it is possible to save the text of a
real-time business meeting so that it can be replayed later to an-
other group (perhaps in a different timezone) who will comment
upon it. These comments are then saved and returned to the first
group for further comment; and so the discussion continues. 66
Moreover, several of the issues we have noted as important for



63 For example, Lakoff (1975), Tannen (1990), Coates (1993), and, in the context of chat-
groups, Herring (1996b). Some authors think the adoption of a female persona is a
common occurrence in MUDs, where the stratagem evidently guarantees extra attention
from male players (Bruckman, 1993; Wallace, 1999: ch. 11). Cherny (1999: 65) thinks
that the incidence of gender- swapping is low in MUDs, where many players know each
other off-line.

64 Witmer and Katzman (1997), though as only 13.2% of the sample included graphic
accents, the results need further support. Unexpectedly, this study found that challenges
and flaming were more common in women than in men.

65 See the references in Cherny (1999: 151).

66 This procedure is the basis of PAVE, the 'PAL Virtual Environment': see Adams, Toomey,
and Churchill (1999). People communicate by typing text into a box which appears on
the screen as a cartoon balloon. Because long utterances result in large balloons, which
can block out the rest of the screen, users develop the habit of breaking their long remarks
into smaller segments, using carriage returns - a nice example of how a development in
technology influences language structure.



168 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Netspeak apply to both kinds of chatgroup situation: the etiquette
files of each domain routinely caution against flaming, harassment,
abusive language, spamming, and advertising; they issue the same
sort of warnings about privacy and security And both types of sit-
uation raise the same puzzling question: how is it possible for chat-
groups to work at all? How can conversations be successful, given
the extraordinary disruptions in time-scale and turn-taking which
both asynchronous and synchronous types permit? Participants
ought to be leaving chatgroups in droves, incapable of handling
the confusion and incoherence, and complaining about the waste
of time. But they are not. Indeed, the opposite attitude is typical:
most people seem perfectly happy to be there.

Two reasons probably account for this. The first raises the ques-
tion of what people want from chatgroups. If the answer was 'in-
formation exchange', pure and simple, then I suspect there would
indeed be a problem. Information is the sort of thing that the
Web routinely provides (chapter 7). Chatgroups provide something
else - a person-to-person interaction that is predominantly social
in character. The semantic content and discourse coherence of a
chatgroup is likely to be stronger within the asynchronous setting,
but even there significant social elements operate. And it would
seem that, even in the most contentless and incoherent interac-
tions of the synchronous setting, the social advantages outweigh
the semantic disadvantages. The atmosphere, even when a topic
is in sharp focus, is predominantly recreational (as the common
metaphor of 'surfing' suggests). Language play is routine. Partic-
ipants frequently provide each other with expressions of rapport.
Subjectivity rules: personal opinions and attitudes, often of an ex-
treme kind, dominate, making it virtually impossible to maintain
a calm level of discourse for very long. If you are looking for facts,
the chatgroup is not the place to find them. But if you are look-
ing for opinions to react to, or want to get one of your own off
your chest, it is the ideal place. Trivial remarks, often of a strongly
phatic character, permeate interactions. 67 'Gossip-groups' would

67 For 'phatic communion', see Malinowski (1923: 315).



The language of chatgroups 169

be a more accurate description for most of what goes on in a chat-
group situation. And gossip, as in the real world, is of immense
social value. 68

The second reason follows from this. It would seem that, when
the social advantages are so great, people make enormous seman-
tic allowances. Several authors make the point that the presence of
linguistic confusion and incoherence could be inherently attrac-
tive, because the social and personal gains - of participating in
an anonymous, dynamic, transient, experimental, unpredictable
world - are so great. The situation 'is both dysfunctionally and
advantageously incoherent', according to Herring. 69 Participating
in the most radical synchronous chatgroups must be like playing
in an enormous, never-ending, crazy game, or attending a perpet-
ual linguistic party, where you bring your language, not a bottle.
The shared linguistic behaviour, precisely because it is so unusual,
fosters a new form of community. The point is made by Davis and
Brewer: 70

The repetitive, rambling, discursive, recursive features of
electronic conference writing may actually, then, serve the
purpose of creating community among its writers, even though
that community is short-lived.

The type of community has been described as 'hyperpersonal'
rather than 'interpersonal', 71 and there is some merit in this. Com-
munication does seem to transcend the individual exchange, being
more focused on the group, or its textual record.

People interpret the chatgroup experience in many ways. Patricia
Wallace, for example, has provided a thorough discussion of the im-
plications in social psychological terms. 72 From a linguistic point of
view, I find chatgroup language fascinating, for two reasons. First, it



For the social functions of gossip, see Goodman and Ben Ze'ev ( 1 994) . For an evolutionary
perspective, see Dunbar (1996).

69 Herring (1999: 2). In her view, it is 'the availability of a persistent textual record of the
conversation [which] renders the interaction cognitively manageable'.

70 Davis and Brewer (1999: 34). 71 See Walther (1996).

72 Wallace (1999). The fact that romantic attachments can arise out of chatgroup interac-
tions (being followed up by e-mails, Website photos, and so on) is strong evidence of the
social power inherent in the medium.



170 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

provides a domain in which we can see written language in its most
primitive state. Almost all the written language we read (informal
letters aside) has been interfered with in some way before it reaches
us - by editors, subeditors, revisers, censors, expurgators, copy-
enhancers, and others. Chatgroups are the nearest we are likely to
get to seeing writing in its spontaneous, unedited, naked state. Sec-
ondly, I see chatgroups as providing evidence of the remarkable
linguistic versatility that exists within ordinary people - especially
ordinary young people (it would seem from the surveys of Internet
use). If you had said to me, a few years ago, that it was possible
to have a successful conversation while disregarding the standard
conventions of turn-taking, logical sequence, time ordering, and
the like, I would have been totally dismissive. But the evidence is
clear: millions are doing just that. How exactly they are doing it I
am still not entirely clear - though I hope this chapter has suggested
some guidelines. Plainly, they have learned to use their innate abil-
ity to accommodate to new linguistic situations to great effect. They
have developed a strong sense of speech community, in attracting
people of like mind or interest ready to speak in the same way, and
ready to criticize or exclude newcomers who do not accept their
group's linguistic norms. They have adapted their Gricean param-
eters (p. 48), giving them new default values. And they are aware
of what they are doing, as is evidenced by their 'metadiscussions'
about what counts as acceptable linguistic (and social) behaviour,
and their 'metahumour', playing with the group's own linguistic
conventions. It is a performance which shows great adaptability
and not a little creativity. As David Porter observes: 73

As participants adjust to the prevailing conditions of anonymity
and to the potentially disconcerting experience of being reduced
to a detached voice floating in an amorphous electronic void, they
become adept as well at reconstituting the faceless words around
them into bodies, histories, lives . . . Acts of creative reading . . . can
and do stand in for physical presence in these online encounters.

With virtual worlds, the linguistic creativity becomes even greater.

73 Porter (1996a: xii).



The language of virtual worlds



E-mails, chatgroups, and the Web have one thing in common: they
are all electronic interactions where the subject-matter comprises -
apart from the occasional aberration - real things in the real world.
This chapter examines a very different scenario: electronic interac-
tion where the subject-matter is totally imaginary All communi-
cation between participants takes place with reference to the char-
acters, events, and environments of a virtual world. These virtual
worlds go by various names, but their most common generic des-
ignation is with the acronym: MUDs. 1

The term MUD has had two glosses, over the years. It originally
stood for 'Multi-User Dungeon', in the popular mind reflecting the
name of the leading role-play fantasy game devised in the 1970s,
and still widely played, 'Dungeons and Dragons'™. Since then,
hundreds of such D&D games have been published, extending the
concept from fantasy worlds to horror, science fiction, history, and
other domains. All have the same orientation. They are played by
groups of two or more people. One player, usually known as the
'Game Master', defines an imaginary environment in which the
players will move and interact, the kinds of obstacles they will en-
counter, and the kind of powers they have. Each player creates a
character and defines its attributes - size, shape, race, clothing,
weapons, and so on. Adventures deal with age-old themes, such
as a hunt for treasure, a battle between good and evil, or the res-
cuing of a person in distress. Games of several hours are normal;
games lasting for years are known. The MUD games have close



1 MUDs are also written Muds, especially in compound names, and several have now
lost their acronymic character. Many people use muds as a generic term, without even
an initial capital. For an introduction to MUD history, terminology, and practice, see
Rheingold (1993), Keegan (1997), Cowan (1997), Cherny (1999: 4), Hahn (1999).

171



172 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

similarities, although the extent to which D&D games were a for-
mative influence on early MUD-thought is contentious. 2

These days, MUD is more commonly glossed as 'Multi-User
Dimension', to get away from the 'monster and combat' (or 'hack 'n
slash') associations of the earlier label. Although the virtual equiv-
alents of the older games by no means exclude fantasy play literally
of a 'dungeon and dragon' kind, most computer-mediated virtual
worlds are very different in subject-matter, and some have little or
no fantasy element at all. Some MUDs are games, in which points
are scored and there are winners and losers; but many foster col-
laborative role-playing activities of an educational, professional,
commercial, or social kind. A group of people may get together
for social chat, as they do in a synchronous chatgroup (chapter 5);
the difference is that, if they form a MUD, they talk in a world
that they have created for themselves, and adopt personae which
fit into this world. The notion has been applied within the edu-
cational domain, for example, where groups have constructed
MUDs in order to engage in a discussion of academic research
or college teaching practice, or to facilitate staff-student interac-
tion. An entire teaching situation might be created within a MUD
- whether for seven-year-olds or seventeen-year-olds. The virtual
world might be a campus, classroom, or business centre; it might
be fictitious or an accurate re-creation of a part of the real world.
But whether the purpose is combat or conversation, destruction
or debate, research or recreation, MUDs have all had one thing in
common: they are interactive databases which create vivid environ-
ments in which users interact in real time. And they have all been
text-based.

The first MUD was devised in 1979-80, designed by British com-
puter scientists Roy Trubshaw and Richard Bartle at the University
of Essex, UK. As the MUD idea caught on, variants developed, and
with it a proliferation of acronyms. They include:

• LPMUDs, based on the LPC programming language (the LP is
from Swedish computer scientist Lars Pensjo, who developed

2 See the discussion of MUD history at, for example,
<http://www.apocalypse.Org/pub/u/lpb/muddex/mudline.html>.



The language of virtual worlds 173

the first version in 1 989); they attract programmers interested
in making modifications to the virtual environment - adding
new features and commands, and generally exploring ways of
extending the concept. Originally 'hack 'n slash' in character,
LPMUDs now include all types of subject-matter.

• DikuMUDs (the name is from the computer science de-
partment at Copenhagen University (Datalogisk Institute
Kobenhavns Universitet), where this variant was devised in
1990); written in the C programming language, they permit a
greater depth of activity and character development within a
single game. They are sophisticated adventure MUDs, and an
analogy is sometimes drawn with the 'Advanced Dungeons
and Dragons' variant of the real-world game.

• TinyMUDs, so-called because the program used to develop
them (first devised by US computer scientist Jim Aspnes in
1989) was smaller than those used in previous MUDs, located
within a database system and not relying on an independent
programming language. They are all 'talker' MUDs, aimed at
providing a social environment within which chat is the chief
activity (though nonetheless in an imaginary world).

This is just the beginning. Each genre of MUD has evolved its
subgenres, most named acronymically, and generally beginning
with an M. Some names are based on the real-world meaning of
'mud', and although written in capitals are not acronyms at all: for
example, derivatives of TinyMUDS are MUCKs (or TinyMUCKs)
and MUSHes (or TinyMUSHes), where the names are simply lu-
dic variants of the connotations of 'mud'. However, it need not
take long for a pseudo-acronym to attract interpretations, and
MUSH in due course came to be interpreted as 'Multi-User Shared
Hallucination'. Illustrative of the range within the MUCK domain
are the somewhat opaque DragonMUCKs, FurryMUCKs, and
FuroticaMUCKs, as well as the slightly more self-explanatory Lion
King MUCK and X-Files MUCK. 3 With MUSEs, MAGEs, and

3 For more detailed MUCK explanations, see
<http://www.oingo.com/topic/12/12689.html>. An explanatory MUSH site is
<http://gargoyle.strange.com/mush/what.shtml>.



174 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

MUGs, there seems to be no end to the lexical inventiveness. Using
the wildcard convention, the whole MUD domain is sometimes
referred to as MU*.

MOOs do not quite fit within the last abbreviation. MOO stands
for 'MUD Object Orientated', referring to the programmed objects
(roads, furniture, weapons, etc.) which can be created and manip-
ulated within the imaginary world. First devised by US computer
scientist Stephen White in 1990, there are now many MOO genres
also, such as LambdaMOO (the most frequented social world), Me-
diaMOO, and the population studied by Lynn Cherny, ElseMOO. 4
Those who retain an affection for MUD as a superordinate term
usually refer to themselves as MUDders or MUDsters; those who
identify with MOOs as a separate genre refer to themselves as
MOOers or MOOsters. Many neologisms exist: MOOmen,
MOOwomen, MOOcode, MOOtalk, MOOsex, etc. Someone who
is seriously unhappy with the way an interaction is going may have
a character commit MOOicide. And just as one can 'mud' ('I was
mudding all night') so one can 'moo'. According to the surveys
to date, most MUD players are young, aged 19-25, often students
(using free college access), though the range reaches into the 40s,
and could extend as more people learn about the medium. 5 The
majority are male - or claim to be.

Because not all MUDs are games, in the usual sense, there is
some uncertainty of usage over how to refer to those who actively
participate: the term players is widespread, but users is preferred
by some who want to get away from the gaming connotations,
especially in MOOs, which are not games in the sense that peo-
ple score points, win, and lose. In all cases, though, a distinction
needs to be made between players and the characters they create. A

4 It is an interesting question whether text-based virtual environments will survive, in their
present form, once more sophisticated communicative technology becomes available (see
ch. 8). If they do not, then the information in this chapter will in due course become of
largely historical interest - though not totally so, for some of the linguistic features iden-
tified could be retained by future varieties. Apart from this, the current MUD situation
also illustrates very well the sort of linguistic thinking that takes place when people adopt
a new medium and adapt it to their individual interests.

5 Cherny (1999) is a rare example, to date, of an in-depth linguistic study of an Internet
variety. As such, its influence on my observations in this chapter will be pervasive.



The language of virtual worlds 175

character is an on-screen persona, with its own name and associated
description; several alternative characters (morphs) may belong to
a single player. In graphical systems, where visual representations
are displayed as well as text, characters are often called avatars.
The player can have a presence on-screen too - a distinction which
becomes important when someone stops role-playing but contin-
ues interacting 'out-of-character' (OOC). 6 The off-screen human
controller of a player is usually called, simply, the 'typist'. Occasion-
ally, even this being can be referred to on-screen (e.g. we might see
a sentence such as 'Langman's typist is getting impatient'), but this
behaviour is not much appreciated. Characters can be anything at
all - human, humanoid, robotic, alien, mythological, mechanical,
animal, vegetable, mineral . . . though MUDs do sometimes have
preferences (e.g. some ban alien characters, some insist on hu-
mans). A minimal set of attributes establishes a character's name,
gender, and race (human, elf, animal, etc.). MUD-veterans may
maintain their character names across different MUDs (there is no
limit, other than that imposed by time and sanity, to the number
of MUDs one may join). 7

MUDs are usually in the hands of system administrators, simi-
lar in function to the moderators of chapter 5. Their names vary
(wizards, programmers, tinkers, gods, arches, imp[lementer]s) — I
shall use wizard as the generic term in this chapter - but they are
all players with a lot of experience of the site, usually with pro-
gramming ability. These are the ones who design quests, introduce
objects, and generally moderate the way a game is played. Players
who gain experience and skill in a MUD are given more power,
and may in due course graduate to be wizards. They have consid-
erable technical powers, and may adopt a disciplinary role against
players who do not conform to the rules of the MUD, looking out
for instances of spamming, flaming, and spoofing (pp. 52ff), and

6 Conventions are supposed to distinguish in-character and out-of-character remarks (e.g.
the latter within double parentheses), but not everyone follows this.

7 It is difficult to be really fluent in the commands and dialect preferences of several MUDs.
Most of the people in Cherny's (1999) survey were regulars on just two or three, while
maintaining characters on a few others. Membership of both an adventure MUD and a
social MUD is evidently a popular combination.



176 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

observing the manners of visitors to the site (guests). MUDs are
just as conscious of the need for courtesy as are chatgroups; but
in a virtual world, where anything can happen, there are more op-
portunities for bad behaviour. For example, it is bad manners to
eavesdrop (by entering a room silently) or to teleport a character to
some other location without the player's consent. Several stories of
sexual harassment exist. 8 As with chatgroups, anything which in-
creases lag (such as spamming, or the use of unnecessarily complex
commands) is considered inappropriate. Persistent offenders may
find themselves temporarily prevented from using their character
(newted) or find that their character is limited in its capabilities or
even completely excluded from the MUD ( toaded) . A gag command
is also available, enabling player P to 'shut up' player Q, making
Q's messages invisible just on P's screen; while Q would not be
aware of P's action, an accumulation of gag decisions by several
players would soon convey the group's antipathy, inculcating in Q
a dawning sense of communicative isolation.

As with chatgroups, it is important to appreciate the size
of MUD groups. Most are relatively small, but the largest sites
(notably LambdaMOO) have thousands of registered characters,
and players often in the hundreds, though the number of people
simultaneously playing is much less, and there is some indication
that numbers maybe diminishing. Cherny's ElseMOO had around
thirty users connected at any one time, with another hundred or
so who connected sporadically 9 Nonetheless, thirty interlocutors
is by no means a small number, and all the linguistic complications
involved in managing such situations, discussed in the previous
chapter, will be encountered again here. Lag, in particular, is a seri-
ous problem in the larger groups; LambdaMOO even introduced
a 'lagometer' on screen at one point. Cherny makes the apposite
comment: 'Complaining about lag time is the MUD version of
complaining about the weather: it affects everyone, and everyone
has something to say about it'. 10 The problem of group size worries



See, for example, Dibbell (1997), and other papers in Dery (1997).
Cherny (1999: 15). 10 Cherny (1999: 262).



The language of virtual worlds 177

everyone, too; some sites now restrict the introduction of new char-
acters because of spiralling population growth, and do not welcome
publicity (which is why I do not give site references in this book).
At the same time, MUDs can become defunct, once their players
get fed up or move elsewhere. And if groups adopt too exclusive
an attitude towards their membership, they reduce their long-term
prospects of survival.

Although chat is ubiquitous in virtual worlds - even in adven-
ture games - it would be wrong to think of MUDs as a variety of
synchronous chatgroups (chapter 5). The reality which exists in a
chatgroup situation, such as in Internet Relay Chat, is a function
solely of the online participants. Take away the people, and there is
nothing left. The reality which constitutes a MUD, by contrast, is
independent of the players. Take away the typists, and the virtual
world they have created remains, permitting new players to enter
and interact at any time, as long as the server is operational. A
MUD world is a database of connected functional spaces (rooms),
described according to the theme of the MUD: they may be in a
castle, city, space station, planet, road, field - or, of course, simply
simulating the rooms in an ordinary house. The rooms which exist
are textually described within the database. When you log-in, the
description of where you are would appear on screen, in such a
style as the following: 11

You are in a square in the middle of the city of Langscape, on
planet Zorb. A large fountain is in the centre of the square. To the
north there are sounds of a street battle. To the south you can see a
series of shops selling the latest weapons, [etc.]

The compass directions relate to the computer screen: 'north' is to
the top of the screen. You navigate through the MUD world by text
commands which can be general (e.g. 'move west') or specific (e.g.
'go to control centre'). As you proceed, the screen describes where

11 For other examples, see Iro (1996), Cherny (1999), and several logs at

<http://www.apocalypse.Org/pub/u/lpb/muddex> . Because of the concern over privacy,
I have constructed most of the examples in this chapter myself, using an imaginary
MUD, but all examples are closely modelled on the real virtual examples illustrated in
the literature.



178 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

you are, and what rooms you pass through. When you reach your
destination, and enter the room, you are told what objects are in it,
and who is present. In this typical sequence, the player controlling
the character 'Langman' types the instruction in the first line:

>go to control centre

You walk to the north ladder.

You climb the ladder and enter the outer office.

You cross the office and enter the control room.

You see:

A box of tapes

A tape recorder

A bunch of bananas

A half-eaten copy of the Journal of Linguistics

Doc is here.

Prof is here.

The players in the roles of Doc and Prof would see the following
message come up on their screen:

Langman arrives in the control centre from the office.

Langman may 'speak' to the other characters in the room, and
can 'hear' what they say. He can have a private conversation with
another character in the same room using a whisper command. He
cannot hear what is going on in other rooms, but he can talk to
someone there through a page command. Some MUDs also allow
a mutter command, which all but one specified player sees. (Not
everyone likes the exclusionary commands, and some MUDs warn
against them.) It is also possible to find out who everyone is by
typing an appropriate command; this calls up from the database
the self-descriptions provided by the other players. If someone
wants to find out who Langman is, therefore, they could type the
following instruction and obtain the relevant response:

>look langman

A 7-foot robot who has been programmed to speak all the world's
languages. He always wears a yellow hat and coat. He travels the
world looking for monolingual people so that he can teach them a
second language.



The language of virtual worlds 1 79

He is charged up and ready for action.

He carries:

A mobile phone

A case containing dictionaries

A set of calling cards

At any given point, you can type a command which will call up
an inventory of the possessions a character has. This is important
in a game context, where players negotiate all kinds of difficult
situations and gain weapons, treasure, skulls, food, or whatever on
the way (as well as points for their score). Depending on the type
of MUD, players can add new rooms, objects, scenery, and even
types of command, so that sites come to display great variation.
Typical commands are @who, to find another player logged in;
@where to find a player's location; look or examine (followed by the
name of a room, person, or object) to elicit the relevant description;
get, hand, and drop to manipulate objects; go, @join, or teleport to
control character movement. There are conventions for speeding
up the typing, by abbreviating the commands.

Probably no other domain within the Internet offers such possi-
bilities for creative, idiosyncratic, imaginative expression, and the
likelihood that this situation will produce a distinctive linguistic
variety is the main reason for handling MUDs separately in this
book. Even if they prove to be a passing phase in the history of
Internet applications, they provide a fascinating example of the
way in which the medium can foster a fresh strand of linguistic
creativity. Although some MUDs are virtually identical in their
purpose to synchronous chatgroups, the simple fact that they are
set in an imaginary world is enough to motivate differences in the
kind of language used. The skill involved must not be underes-
timated: it takes time to become a competent MUD player, and
some MUDders hone their skills over months or years (the 'plot'
of a MUD is in principle never-ending, capable of being forwarded
by someone in some timezone all day everyday). As the medium
becomes increasingly 'expert', accordingly, so the linguistic con-
ventions become more institutionalized and sophisticated. In this
chapter, I shall not review those features of MUD discourse which



180 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

are shared with chatgroups in general, but focus on those which
make it different. For example, the communicative problems as-
sociated with turn-taking are found here as well as in chatgroups;
however, in MUDs, there are additional issues arising out of the
range of discourse options that the medium provides. I shall illus-
trate the procedures in a little more detail than in previous chapters,
partly because this Internet situation is less well known, and partly
because it is difficult to get access to samples of data.

Two chief modes of communication exist: sayingznd emoting. 12
Saying is illustrated by the following extract from a hypothetical
conversation between Langman, whom I operate, and the other
characters in the control room, operated by other players. To make
my character speak I might type:

> say hello
This would appear on everyone else's screen as:

Langman says 'hello'.

They might then reply to me.

Prof says, 'good day'.

Doc says, 'Where the hell have you been?'

If I wanted to single out one or other of the characters, I could have
typed a directed command, such as:

>say prof hello

which would appear on everyone else's screen as:

Langman [to Prof], 'hello'.

Of course the player operating Doc might then wonder why I had
failed to greet him - the reasons doubtless bound up with an earlier
stage of the game.



12 There are others, such as 'thinking' - illustrated by the 'thought-bubble' convention in
Cherny(1999: 111).



The language of virtual worlds 181

The emote (or pose) method of communication allows a player
to express a character's actions, feelings, reactions, gestures, facial
expressions, and so on. Not all MUDs use them, but they are a
dominant feature of those that do. They are typically statements
with the verb in the 3rd person singular present tense (though other
tenses can be found in certain circumstances). 13 For example, the
command to my character

> emote salute

would result in the following appearing on everyone else's screen:

Langman salutes.

On my own screen, however, the software changes the message into
the appropriate person:

You salute.

Similarly, I might wish to express the following:

I type Others see I see

>look puzzled Langman looks puzzled. You look puzzled.

>pickupthe Langman picks up the You pick up the

journal journal. journal.

Some verbs are especially common in the expression of emotes: in
her group, Lynn Cherny noted the frequency of smile, laugh, wave,
greet, grin, how, and nod. 14 All possible social or cognitive contexts
are represented- such as hug, guess, think, glare, poke, and kill. There
are plainly parallels with other language varieties which contain
ongoing description, such as broadcast commentary and instruc-
tional narratives (as in cookery recipes). But emotes do things that
commentaries do not do, as illustrated by this sequence: 15

Ray can't remember

Ray could swear he picked it up . . .



13 Cherny ( 1999: 202) illustrates the use of other tenses in expository narrative: Tom hated
that movie.

14 Cherny (1999: 117). 15 Cherny (1999: 123).



182 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

This moves the convention more in the direction of stream-of-
consciousness narrative. And the feedback function of emotes is
also important, conveyed not only through conventional verbs
('X agrees/nods/grins') but by idiosyncratic word-formation:

Largo hehs. ['says heh']
Jon acks. ['acknowledges']
Anthony ohboys.
Pete actuallies.

The practice of word-class conversion has the best of precedents:
'grace me no grace, nor uncle me no uncle' (Richard II, II.iii.86),
though the use of adverb > verb and interjection > verb processes
is admittedly daring.

The narrative style of emotes gives a somewhat literary flavour
to the interaction, which sits oddly alongside the often highly col-
loquial tone of the direct speech. A sequence such as the follow-
ing - a piece of word-play, a stereotypical literary description, a
conversational interjection, and a somewhat contrived adjectival
construction - is not at all unusual:

lynn says, 'leggo my Lego Tom'

Bunny eyes Ray warily.

lynn [to Penfold]: hrmph

Ray puts the annoying electronic bell in the Christmas tree.

This is an extract from the ElseMOO group studied by Cherny 16
The 'eye warily' locution is an emote, introduced by ElseMOO
players, which caught on, becoming a frequent part of its dialectal
idiom ('X eyes Y warily', X eyes himself warily'). They would use it
essentially as a signal of unease, letting others know that there was
some hidden implication or irony in what had just been said. The
device falls within the genre of literary allusions, such as is found
with Tom Swifties and other self-conscious, humorous linguistic
play. 17 Other MUDs have developed their own favourite words and

16 Cherny (1999: 143). A wide range of linguistic routines used in ElseMOO is illustrated
on her pp. 96ff.

17 For Tom Swifties, see Crystal (1995: 409).



The language of virtual worlds 183

expressions, which act as identity-markers for the group, though
evidence is anecdotal. The use of gender-neutral pronouns, such as
the set invented by Michael Spivak - e, em, eir, eirs, eirself, eirselves —
are scrupulously employed in some groups, and avoided in others.
It is simply not clear, in the absence of several studies of the Cherny
type, just how generalized a particular usage is. For example, how
many MUDs use reduplication for activities (Ray nodsnods Shelley,
Pete waveswaveswaves) 7 . We do not know.

Emotes are important as a means of foregrounding the struc-
ture of the activity- dimension of an interaction - providing the
nonlinguistic context for the direct speech. But they add a fur-
ther complication to the task of maintaining discourse coherence
already noted in chapter 5. As with chatgroups, several conversa-
tions can take place at once, timing anomalies are pervasive, and
multiple threading (p. 137) is normal. But in MUDs, along with
the need to follow the threads of direct speech, there is also the
need to relate emotes to their appropriate stimulus. It may not be
immediately clear, in the following example, whether Techo's laugh
is directed at Prof or Doc. By the end of the sequence, the potential
for ambiguity has grown, making it necessary for Doc to spell out
who his utterance is aimed at.

Langman says, 'I've given the tapes to Prof

Prof blinks.

Doc waves at Techo.

Prof says, 'I didn't get them'

Prof says, 'where did you put them?'

Techo laughs.

Techo says, 'sorry I'm late'

Langman says, 'in the fridge'

Prof looks horrified.

Doc says 'it's the best place'

Prof grins.

Doc [to Techo]: don't do it again.

To alleviate turn-taking problems, some MUDs (as with chat-
groups) have evolved discourse stratagems - such as a moderator-
controlled queue, reminders about the topic, and recognized signals



184 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

expressing a desire to speak or yield the floor (e.g. handraising, or
saying done when finished). Players themselves devise co-operative
conventions. They tend not to introduce multiple topics within a
single message (unlike e-mails). Because they know that the size
of a message is entirely determined by the player (interruptions
not being possible and feedback not visible until a message is sent:
p. 30), they often break their message down into shorter utterances,
such as

Langman finds the situation bizarre.

Langman has never seen anything like it.

Langman believes Doc should apologize immediately.

etc.

or

Langman says, 'The situation is bizarre.'
Langman says, 'I've never seen anything like it.'
Langman says, 'Doc should apologize immediately.'

There is always a risk that another player will insert a message in
between these items, of course. Further conventions therefore may
be used to signal to others that a longer message is forthcoming,
and a player wishes to hold the floor, such as introducing a remark
with well. If Langman had started

Langman says, 'Well . . .'

everyone would know that a monologue was in his mind. Another
example of a discourse convention is the 'losing' routine Cherny
encountered in ElseMOO. 18 This arises when two players both re-
spond to a particular point in the same way. P's response arrives
on screen while Q is still typing hers. Q sees that her response is
no longer needed, so she does not bother to finish it off, terminat-
ing it with 'loses'. She sends the message to the group nonetheless,
perhaps automatically, perhaps to let others know that she was

18 Cherny (1999: 98ff.).



The language of virtual worlds 185

also on the ball. An example transferred to the Langscape MUD
would be:

Langman says, 'what was the name of that book Chomsky wrote

in 65?'

Prof says, 'Aspects of the theory of syntax'

Doc says, 'Aspects of loses'

An analogous behaviour to 'losing' turns up in face-to-face con-
versation, too, when two people speak at once, and one yields the
floor to the other (Sorry - you go ahead).

In the body of a MUD message, a very similar range of linguistic
forms and constructions will be found to those already encoun-
tered in chatgroups and other informal Netspeak situations - for
example, players use the usual range of contracted forms (gonna,
dunno, wanna, usta ['used to'], sorta), abbreviations (BBL, BRB,
LOL, etc.: p. 84), and formulaic sound effects (aieee, mmmm,
arrgh). But when we step back to look at MUD messages as a
sequence, there are several differences, especially in those MUDs
which make use of emotes. The constant switching between say-
ing and emoting produces one of the most distinctive linguistic
features of MUD style: person shift. There is a perpetual alter-
ation between 1st and 2nd person in direct-address utterances
and 3rd person in the commentary-like emoting, as this example
suggests:

Langman says, 'I'm sorry'.

Doc looks at Langman suspiciously.

Prof says, 'Never mind, there's plenty of time.'

Doc says, "Well, five minutes.'

Prof grins.

Langman drops the journal.

Langman looks suitably ashamed of himself.

The use of a 2nd person pronoun in an emote would introduce
ambiguity, and tends to be avoided. If a screen said 'Doc looks at
you suspiciously', players (there may be many in the room) would
not be sure which of them was the intended recipient.



186 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

A similar juxtaposition of styles occurs when computer-
generated messages are added to the mix of direct-speech utterances
and emotes. The latter two, despite their differences, are united by
a generally colloquial tone and a readiness to deviate from stan-
dard English norms; the computer-generated items are typically
in a fairly formal standard English, in terms of spelling, punctu-
ation, capitalization, and construction. The influence of standard
English is everywhere present, in fact, notwithstanding the regu-
lar efforts to depart from it. Even in direct-speech contexts, MUD
players can display a strong sense of standards of communication.
Indeed, throughout the virtual worlds situation, as in chatgroups,
it is never a matter of 'anything goes'. Taboos are strongly present,
and players are sensitive to them. Co-operative linguistic perfor-
mance is a sine qua non of a new player being made welcome.
If someone's utterance is wildly inaccurate in typing or spelling,
it will be criticized by other players, or even by the player eir-
self, as in these comments: I just lost my fingers, I'm a lousey [sic]
typist.

The overriding impression of MUD language is of a mixture
of styles - which is hardly surprising, given the multiplicity of
functions they have evolved to meet (from adventure game to ex-
ploratory programming to serious discussion to insult forum to
gossipy chat 19 ) - and their at times explicit concern to evolve unique
identities. Preferences vary over the size of the group: some MUDs
prefer many players, cultivating the atmosphere of a party; others
want the size to be small, finding that parties contain too much noise
(spam). Some groups cope with the problem of multiple players by
fostering subgroups - a set of players go off into another room, or
whisper to each other a lot. Others find such practices anti-social.
The style a group uses also depends greatly on the number of par-
ticipants trying to speak at once. Cherny found that if more than
six speakers were talking together within one minute, the number

19 'ElseMOO is a community run largely by gossip' (Cherny, 1999: 286). However, this
is not like face-to-face gossip, for the texts can be reviewed and quoted. The slanging
matches sometimes encountered are reminiscent of the verbal duelling noted in face-to-
face contexts: Crystal (1997a: 60-3); see also p. 55 above.



The language of virtual worlds 187

of words per minute dropped. 20 The players would use more utter-
ances per minute, but put fewer words into them. Doubtless this is
due, as Cherny suggests, to the fact that people have to read other
players' messages while they are typing their own, and the more
they have to read, think about, and react to, the less time they have
themselves to write. Moreover, when a lot of players are sending
short messages simultaneously, the screen is scrolling very rapidly.
In passing, it seems to me that those players who are trying to study
or carry on some kind of job while joining in a MUD must have a
tough time - though I am impressed by Cherny 's report of a com-
ment, in relation to interactions on TinyMUD, that 'it is possible
to do calculus homework and have tinysex at the same time, if you
type quickly' 21

MUDs also vary greatly with respect to the economy of expres-
sion associated with Netspeak interaction. Some groups evolve a
succinct pattern of interaction, their utterances taking up only the
left-hand side of the screen, with relatively few whole-screen lines: a
100-utterance sample from the 'Gloria' log, 22 excluding the 'X says'
formula, produced an average of only 4.75 words per line, with
two-thirds of the messages less than 5 words - comparable to the
short lengths found in synchronous chatgroups (p. 156). On the
other hand, two other samples from the same site showed a much
fuller, more discursive set of direct-speech utterances: 'Black Rose'
with an average of 8.7 words per utterance, and 'Classic Fiasco'
with an average of 7.68 words, both of them displaying several sen-
tence sequences over 20 words in length. 23 Indirect speech (emotes)
were also an important feature of these two samples (not so with
'Gloria', where no emotes were used), and these showed a similar



Cherny ( 1999: 165ff.). In her material, it was very unusual to find seven speakers within
a single minute of data.
Cherny (1999: 36).

<http://www.apocalypse.Org/pub/u/lpb/muddex/gloria-log.txt>.
<http://www.apocalypse.Org/pub/u/lpb/muddex/black-rose.txt> and
<http://www.apocalypse.Org/pub/u/lpb/muddex/classic-fiasco.html>. Cherny (1999:
155) found that most messages in her ElseMOO data were 5-13 words in length. Al-
though my samples were much shorter, their range was not quite the same, with the
MUD referred to at fn. 22 having a bias towards shorter messages and the others a more
even spread.



188 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

range, from the succinct {Day dreamer smiles) to the extended {Zed
goes off to @recyc\e his one room in Classic in token protest. He didn't
used to have any objection to the management there. ) . The use of more
than one sentence in the last example is noteworthy, illustrating just
how relaxed the emote construction can become. Indeed, looseness
of construction is common, as speakers lose control of their point
of view. In the following example, from 'Classic Fiasco', the player
switches from 3rd person to 1st person in the same message:

Mizue points out that the people on two sides of the
Bruce-bashing are doing things which affect others, too. Maybe
you aren't _obliged_ to keep your stuff around, but I'd suggest it's at
least impolite to just zap it to satisfy an opposition to Bruce4 when
the users of the Mud are also affected.

Probably the longer the message, the more serious the subject-
matter, and the more emotionally involved the player, the less
care and attention will be paid to maintaining the expressive con-
ventions. These factors of course vary greatly between and within
MUDs.

There are some signs of a general concern over economy. For ex-
ample, function words are frequently omitted - prepositions {Jon
waves Sandy), copulas {Mike happy), auxiliary verbs {Rick getting
there), and sometimes function-word sequences, giving the utter-
ance a pidgin-like character {Penfold bad mood). There is more
to deletion than simply achieving a faster typing speed, however.
Omissions of this kind are probably better viewed as dialect fea-
tures which have grown up as the result of the intense pressure to
accommodate between group members (p. 147). Economy of typ-
ing is not the whole story, as is easily illustrated from the structure
of emotes, which often use quite complex expression, and from
such examples as onna ['on a'] and atta ['at a'], which actually use
an extra letter keystroke. On the other hand, anything which does
speed up typing is going to be appreciated - if only to reduce the
risk of repetitive strain injury 24 An example is the si convention



24 An interesting development is the use by some players of what has been called 'Carpal
Tunnel Syndrome Feature Objects' - shorthand verbs which replace very common but
lengthy expressions, to cut down on typing.



The language of virtual worlds 189

(cf. p. 90) for correcting some kinds of mistyping, which takes the
form: s/oldstring/newstring. For example:

Langman: you should have given me a week's notice
Langman: s/week/month

This says: 'replace week in the previous utterance by montli -
thereby avoiding the bother of typing the whole sentence out again.
Other players can intervene. If Prof felt that even a month was not
enough, he might add:

Prof: s/month/year

This convention is by no means universally used, however, requir-
ing as it does a certain amount of programming awareness.

Variability in usage between MUDs partly reflects synchronic
dialect differences among groups that are extremely identity con-
scious to the point of exclusiveness. Each group will have its
favourite jargon, its ritualized utterances, and its idiosyncratic
commands. The use or non-use of emotes is one major dialect
boundary - what I suppose we could call an isocybe. 25 The range
and frequency of smileys is another. But the variation also reflects
language change. Continual reference is made in the ElseMOO
dialogues to 'how things were' - to the linguistic history of the
group, to outdated usage, to the origins of its jargon, to ancient
jokes and stories, and so on - and linguistic metadiscussion seems
to be commonplace in computer-mediated chat situations. It is in
fact a perfectly normal manoeuvre, especially when real content
is lacking, for a group to look in on itself, and start talking about
how it talks. And in listening to these histories, a recurring theme
is the extent to which MUDs have split away from other MUDs,
adopting new linguistic conventions in the process. 26

The idiosyncratic linguistic direction of a MUD is often most vis-
ible in its predilection for language play. All groups play, but some
play more than others and some play with particular linguistic



25 For isoglosses, and associated iso- terminology, see Crystal (1997b: 204-5).

26 For a range of political, social, personal, and other reasons. See the discussion on MUD
community in Cherny (1999: ch. 6) and the papers in Porter (1996a).



190 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

features more than others - using unusual ASCII symbols, for ex-
ample, or comic smiley sequences. Whatever the rules a particular
MUD has devised, they are there to be bent and broken. MUDs like
ElseMOO, which depend heavily on emotes, will start playing with
them - Cherny found several examples of byplay with emotes, and
also of what she called 'null-emotes', 27 in which a character delib-
erately breaks the rules of the discourse:

Lenny says, 'what's weird?'
Tom

(In other words, Tom is weird.) This is somewhat like the deviant
'knock-knock' joke:

Knock-knock.
Who's there?
Doctor.
Doctor Who?
Oh, you guessed.

As with all fashions in joking behaviour, different MUDs can be ex-
tremely critical of what they consider the puerility of other groups'
play.

An evolving world

MUDs operate in a curious, Alice-like world, where anything can
happen. Two players may find themselves doing logically impossi-
ble things. Player P might decide to pick up a piece of chocolate and
eat it, and tells everyone she has done so; simultaneously, player Q
decides to pick up the same piece of chocolate and eat it, and tells ev-
eryone he has done so. People can be killed and become alive again
within a turn or two. Objects can change size, shape, and colour.
Time-travel and teleporting are normal. With incompatibility a
possibility, the associated language begins to be stretched in ways

27 Cherny (1999: 104ff.).



The language of virtual worlds 191

that conventional truth-descriptions cannot manage, giving valid-
ity to utterances which would be of questionable or unacceptable
status in real-world language. 28 It is a world where, indeed, colour-
less green ideas can exist, and sleep furiously. The use of role-play
further distances MUD interactions from reality. Anonymity al-
lows players to introduce all kinds of exaggerations and deceptions
(p. 50).

Perhaps as virtual worlds become less textual and more graphic,
they will become more like real life, thereby imposing greater con-
straints upon the language used. A textual medium can cope un-
concernedly with 'colourless green'; a graphic medium cannot. It
is therefore important to note that, as with other Netspeak situa-
tions, MUDs have begun to evolve a multimedia dimension. Asyn-
chronous interaction and e-mailing already exists in some sites,
with messages stored in the database. Mailing lists are often used
for such purposes as circulating general information, carrying out
petitions, and organizingballots. The new options are welcomedby
some, and opposed by others: asynchronous messaging, for exam-
ple, is a way of giving more players a greater chance to be involved
in the group; however, for those for whom the MUD experience
is real-time only, a matter of culture rather than technology, such
extensions can be viewed as heretical.

The language of virtual worlds, as of chatgroups in general, is
difficult to study, as was informal face-to-face conversation in the
early days of linguistic research. Many MUDs do not bother to save
their interactions (this is one reason why researching the history
of the medium is not easy), and when they do, they can easily be
edited. Some of the logs I found, in researching this chapter, had
been sanitized in various ways, with presumably sensitive infor-
mation deleted. Then, once a reliable sample has been obtained,
the important question of privacy needs to be considered. Such
issues have long been satisfactorily addressed in the large linguistic



28 See Cherny (1999: 220ff.) for a discussion of emoting expressions with reference to tense,
aspect, and related considerations.



192 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

surveys of recent decades; every major corpus now contains a signif-
icant amount of conversational data, and appropriate measures to
protect anonymity are these days routine. 29 The study of Netspeak
conversations, however, is a long way from this stage, with par-
ticipants sensitive about the 'ownership' of their utterances, and
researchers anguishing over whether such sensitivities should be
respected or not. Cherny, who has anguished more than most,
points out that the players themselves are uncertain about the sta-
tus of their situation: 30

Fully understanding MUD culture requires understanding the
ambivalence of MUDders toward their texts, which remain poised
between the transience of speech and the persistence of
documents.

The core of the matter seems to be whether such texts are public
data or not. On the one hand, it can be argued that, simply by
putting your words on a screen which can be accessed by an in-
definite number of people you do not know, you have effectively
made a public statement, which can be used, with appropriate ac-
knowledgement, in the same way as other public statements (such
as newspaper articles) are used. On this view, within the usual
conventions of 'fair quotation', I may use extracts from these con-
versations without first requesting permission. On the other hand,
because MUD players see themselves as belonging to virtual com-
munities, interacting with players (or, at least, their characters) who
they sometimes do get to know well, and dealing with topics which
are at times intimate in nature, there is a widespread feeling that
their utterances are private, and should be respected. On this view,
I should ask permission of all participants before quoting.

Surveys of linguistic usage have long used both procedures. Be-
cause some circumstances are so public, and involve so many peo-
ple, it is impossible to control a permissions process focused on
individuals, and an institutional permission must suffice. I recall,
back in the 1 960s, a discussion on the Survey of English Usage about

29 The state of the art in corpus linguistics is well illustrated in Aijmer and Altenberg (1991).

30 Cherny (1999: 293).



The language of virtual worlds 193

who would have to be approached, if it were found necessary to ob-
tain permission from the 'participants' to use a piece of broadcast
cricket commentary. It transpired that, not only would one have to
ask permission of the commentators, but also of the programme
producer, the head of department to which the producer belonged,
every individual cricketer named in the commentary, plus anyone
else incidentally alluded to, including the estate of any deceased
person mentioned! A simple agreement with the BBC, taking into
account the limited purposes of the linguistic description, was the
sensible outcome. On the other hand, privately recorded conver-
sations between three or four people, such as those Derek Davy
and I recorded for Advanced conversational English, 31 did require
personal permission, along with appropriate measures to safeguard
anonymity (such as replacing all proper names by phonologically
equivalent forms).

The MUD situation sits uneasily between these two procedures.
This is not because of the uncertain status of the texts as speech or
writing - for exactly the same considerations apply in the written
medium (e.g. in relation to using a transcript of informal letter-
writing). Nor is it anything to do with the intimacy of the subject-
matter: a distinction must be drawn between personal and private
data. Private data may be impersonal, and personal data may be
totally public (as in tombstone inscriptions). 32 Rather it is to do
with the typist/player/character distinction, and whether what we
are dealing with here is fact or fiction, given the anonymity and
virtuality of the whole situation. I remember Anthony Burgess once
being questioned after a lecture, when someone attacked him for
something 'he had said' in one of his novels: Burgess replied, T
didn't say that; my character said that.' It is the same here: if I David
Crystal join a MUD as elfonaut 'Davidia', am I responsible for the
utterances of my character, and have I any grounds for objecting
if someone quotes those utterances without my permission? If a
linguist were to approach Davidia later, either on the MUD (as

31 Crystal and Davy (1976).

32 The point is made by Paccagnella (1997: 7) in his discussion of studies, such as ProjectH,
which have analysed cybertexts without permission (though shielding identities).



194 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Cherny did with her fellow-players) or via e-mail, and ask this
character for permission to quote its utterances, and it said no,
could the mere typist David Crystal later complain if someone
made such a quotation? Ethnographers are very familiar with such
issues, which go well beyond language, and Cherny discusses them
at length in her final chapter; but the recency of the medium, and
the many different attitudes between and within groups, means that
the issue is by no means settled. This is why, out of a general respect
for the emerging nature of linguistic cyberspace, I have invented my
own characters in this chapter, and not used online logs (many of
which are now a decade old) for my longer or extended illustrations.
MUD data is not quite as solid a basis for the kind of general-
ization about linguistic distinctiveness that it has been possible to
make in relation to other Netspeak situations. My impression is
that a linguistic variety has developed here, involving remarkable
ingenuity, but that its defining characteristics are obscured by the
existence of a large amount of individual difference. Until more
material is made uncontroversially public, it will be difficult to re-
solve the matter. And as some commentators are already wondering
about the possible demise of text-based virtual environments, given
the more powerful communicative options being made available
by new technology (see chapter 8), maybe the matter never will
be resolved, and the subject-matter of this chapter will become an
intriguing historical episode in Internet evolution, showing what
can happen linguistically as people adapt a new medium to meet
their interests and needs. A rather different situation obtains in
the next chapter, where we encounter a domain where the public
status of the data is not in doubt, where there is hardly a shortage
of illustrative material, and where the future of the phenomenon
is assured: the World Wide Web.



7 The language of the Web



'The vision I have for the Web is about anything being potentially
connected with anything.' This observation by the Web's inventor,
Tim Berners-Lee, on the first page of his biographical account,
Weaving the Web (1999), provides a characterization of this element
of the Internet which truly strains the notion of 'situation' and the
accompanying concept of a 'variety' of Internet language. After all,
language, and any language, in its entirety, is part of this 'anything'.
The Web in effect holds a mirror up to the graphic dimension of our
linguistic nature. A significant amount of human visual linguistic
life is already there, as well as a proportion of our vocal life. 1 So can
it be given a coherent linguistic identity?

'Graphic' here refers to all aspects of written (as opposed to
spoken) language, including typewritten, handwritten (including
calligraphic), and printed text. It includes much more than the
direct visual impression of a piece of text, as presented in a partic-
ular typography and graphic design on the screen; it also includes
all those features which enter into a language's orthographic sys-
tem (chiefly its spelling, punctuation, and use of capital letters) as
well as the distinctive features of grammar and vocabulary which
identify a typically 'written' as opposed to a 'spoken' medium of
communication. Most Web text will inevitably be printed, given the
technology generally in use. Typewritten text (in the sense of text
produced by a typewriter) is hardly relevant, belonging as it does
to a pre-electronic age, though of course it can be simulated, and



1 Anything that can exist as a computer file can be made available as a Web document -
text, graphics, sound, video, etc. There is no theoretical limit to the size of the Web,
and new sites are being added to it so rapidly that no reliable statistics are available; but
growth in the late 1990s was c.40% a year, with the number of pages rapidly approaching
a billion. See the review in Lawrence and Giles (1999).



195



196 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

many of the features of typing style have had an influence on the
word-processing age. Handwritten text has only a limited presence,
being available only through the use of specially designed packages,
and is of little practical value to most Internet users. But printing
exists in a proliferation of forms - currently more limited than
traditional paper printing in its use of typefaces, but immensely
more varied in its communicative options through the availability
of such dimensions as colour, movement, and animation. And it
is here that even a tiny exposure to the Web demonstrates its re-
markable linguistic range. Anything that has been written can, in
principle, appear on the Web; and a significant proportion of it
has already done so, in the form of digital libraries, electronic text
archives, and data services. 2

So, a few minutes Web browsing will bring to light every con-
ceivable facet of our graphic linguistic existence. There will be large
quantities of interrupted linear text — that is, text which follows the
unidimensional flow of speech, but interrupted by conventions
which aid intelligibility - chiefly the use of spaces between words
and the division of a text into lines and screens. 3 This is the normal
way of using written language, and it dominates the Web as it does
any other graphic medium. But there will also be large quantities
of non-linear text - that is, text which can be read in a multidimen-
sional way. In non-linear viewing, the lines of a text are not read in a
fixed sequence; the eye moves about the page in a manner dictated
only by the user's interest and the designer's skill, with some parts
of the page being the focus of attention and other parts not being
read at all. A typical example is a page advertising a wide range of
products at different prices. On the Web, many pages have areas
allocated to particular kinds of information and designed (through
the use of colour, flashing, movement, and other devices) to



2 The review in Condron (2000a) includes several major resources, such as the
Arts and Humanities Data Service (<http://ahds.ac.uk>), the Oxford Text Archive
(<http://ota.ahds.ac.uk>), and the Electronic Text Center (<http://etext.lib. Virginia.
edu>). Online catalogues, such as those of The British Library and The Library of
Congress, are also important gateways to resources.

3 The dimensions of graphic expression used here are presented in Crystal ( 1997a: 185ff.),
who is following Twyman (1982).



The language of the Web 197

attract the attention and disturb any process of predictable reading
through the screen in a conventional way. On a typical sales page, a
dozen locations compete for our attention (search, help, shopping
basket, home page, etc.). The whole concept of hypertext linking
(see below) is perhaps the most fundamental challenge to linear
viewing.

But there are yet other kinds of graphic organization. The Web
displays many kinds of lists, for example - sequences of pieces of in-
formation, ordered according to some principle, which have a clear
starting point and a finishing point - such as items in a catalogue,
restaurant menus, filmographies, and discographies. As the whole
basis of the linguistic organization of a search-engine response to
an inquiry is to provide a series of hits in the form of a list, it
would seem that list organization is intrinsic to the structure of the
Web. Matrices are also very much in evidence - arrangements of
linguistic, numerical, or other information in rows and columns,
designed to be scanned vertically and horizontally. They will be
found in all kinds of technical publications as well as in more ev-
eryday contexts such as sites dealing with sports records or personal
sporting achievements. And there are branching structures, such as
are well-known in family tree diagrams, widely used whenever two
or more alternatives need to be clearly identified or when the his-
tory of a set of related alternatives needs to be displayed. In an
electronic context, of course, the whole of the branching structure
may not be visible on a single screen, the different paths through a
tree emerging only when users click on relevant 'hot' spots on the
screen.

The Web is graphically more eclectic than any domain of written
language in the real world. And the same eclecticism can be seen if
we look at the purely linguistic dimensions of written expression
(p. 7) - the use of spelling, grammar, vocabulary, and other prop-
erties of the discourse (the ways that information is organized glob-
ally within texts, so that it displays coherence, logical progression,
relevance, and so on). Whatever the variety of written language
we have encountered in the paper-based world, its linguistic fea-
tures have their electronic equivalent on the Web. Among the main



198 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

varieties of written expression are legal, religious, journalistic, lit-
erary, and scientific texts. These are all widely present in their many
sub -varieties, or genres. Under the heading of religion, for instance,
we can find a wide range of liturgical forms, rituals, prayers, sacred
texts, preaching, doctrinal statements, and private affirmations of
belief. Each of these genres has its distinctive linguistic charac-
ter, and all of this stylistic variation will be found on the Web. If
we visit a Web site, 4 such as the British Library or the Library of
Congress, and call up their catalogues, what we find is exactly the
same kind of language as we would if we were to visit these loca-
tions in London or Washington, even down to the use of different
conventions of spelling and punctuation. The range of the Web
extends from the huge database to the individual self-published
'home page', and presents contributions from every kind of de-
signer and stylist, from the most professional to the linguistically
and graphically least gifted. It thus defies stylistic generalization.
All of this is obvious, and yet in its very obviousness there is an im-
portant point to be made: in its linguistic character, seen through
its linked pages, the Web is an analogue of the written language
that is already 'out there' in the paper-based world. For the most
part, what we see on Web pages is a familiar linguistic world. If
we are looking for Internet distinctiveness, novelty, and idiosyn-
crasy- or wishing to find fuel for a theory of impending linguistic
doom (p. 1) - we are not likely to find it here.

But distinctiveness there is. If the Web holds a mirror up to our
linguistic nature, it is a mirror that both distorts and enhances,
providing new constraints and opportunities. It constrains, first of
all, in that we see language displayed within the physical limitations
of a monitor screen, and subjected to a user-controlled movement
(scrolling) — chiefly vertical, sometimes horizontal - that has no real
precedent (though the rolled documents of ancient and mediaeval



4 A Web site is an individual computer holding documents capable of being transferred to
and presented by browsers, using one of the standard formats (usually HTML or XML).
Web sites are identified by a unique address, or URL ( Uniform Resource Locator), with
different pages of data at the site distinguished by means of labels separated by forward
slashes.



The language of the Web 199

times must have presented similar difficulties). Scrolling down is
bound to interfere with our ability to perceive, attend to, assimilate,
and remember text. Scrolling sideways is even worse: a browser that
does not offer a word-wrap facility may present line lengths of 150
characters or more, with reading continuity very difficult to main-
tain between successive lines. 5 Similarly, it is common to experience
difficulty when we encounter screens filled with unbroken text in
a single typeface, or screens where the information is typograph-
ically complex or fragmented, forbidding easy assimilation of the
content. And any author who has tried to put text from a previously
published book on the Web knows that it does not translate onto
the screen without fresh thought being given to layout and design. 6
Research is needed to establish what the chief factors are, as we
transfer our psycholinguistic ability from a paper to an electronic
medium. For not everything is easily transferrable, and alternative
means need to be devised to convey the contrasts that were ex-
pressed through the traditional medium of print. For example, the
range of typefaces we are likely to find on the Web is only a tiny
proportion of the tens of thousands available in the real world. Al-
though there is no limit in principle, and many typographically in-
novative sites exist, the general practice is at times boringly uniform,
with unknown numbers of Web newcomers believing that elec-
tronic life is visible only through Times New Roman spectacles. As
Roger Pring puts it, arguing for keeping typographic options open: 7

Can you imagine a world with only one typeface to serve as the
vehicle for all communication. How content would you be to see
the same face on your supermarket loyalty card as on a wedding
invitation? . . . The way computers work makes it easy to use the
same group of faces over and over.

Many users do take the easy option, with the result that innumer-
able sites present their wares to the reader with the same bland,
monochrome look.



5 See the examples in Pring (1999: 20).

6 The principles are now the focus of several books and conferences: see Pring (1999).

7 Pring (1999: 176).



200 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The size of the screen has also exercised a major influence on the
kind of language used, regardless of the subject-matter. The point
is made explicit in manuals which deal with the style of computer-
mediated communication. As we have already seen in chapter 3
(p. 74), the Wired handbook, for example, has this to say about
Web style: 8

Look to the Web not for embroidered prose, but for the sudden
narrative, the dramatic story told in 150 words. Text must be
complemented by clever interface design and clear graphics.
Think brilliant ad copy, not long-form literature. Think pert,
breezy pieces almost too ephemeral for print. Think turned-up
volume - cut lines that are looser, grabbier, more tabloidy. Think
distinctive voice or attitude.

This, as an empirical statement about Web pages, represents only
a limited amount of what is actually 'out there'; but as a prescrip-
tion for good practice it is widely followed. With many screens
immediately displaying up to 30 functional areas, any initial on-
screen textual description of each area is inevitably going to be
short - generally a 3-4 word heading or a brief description of
10-20 words. Main pages reflect this trend. For example, a sam-
ple of 100 news reports taken from Web-designed BBC, CBN, and
ABC sites showed that paragraphs were extremely short, averaging
25 words, and usually consisting of a single sentence; only in one
case did a paragraph reach 50 words. Even when specially designed
sites had nothing to do with news (such as introductions to edu-
cational courses or chambers of commerce), the way their material
was displayed took on some of the characteristics of a news-type
presentation. On the other hand, sites which simply reproduce
material originally written for a paper outlet (such as government
reports, academic papers, electronic versions of newspaper articles)
move well away from any notion of succinctness. By all accounts,
they are more difficult to read, but daily experience suggests that
they nonetheless constitute a large proportion of pages on the Web.

8 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 5).



The language of the Web 201

Certain denning properties of traditional written language
(p. 25) are also fundamentally altered by the Web. In particular, its
staticness is no longer obligatory, in that the software controlling a
page may make the text move about the screen, appear and disap-
pear, change colour and shape, or morph into animated characters.
As the user moves the mouse-controlled arrow around a screen, the
switch from arrow to hand will be accompanied by the arrival of
new text. A mouse-click will produce yet more new text. Some sites
bring text on-screen as the user watches - for example, BBC News
Online had (October 2000) a top-of-the-screen headline appear
in the manner of a teleprinter, letter-by-letter. It is all a dynamic
graphology, in which the range of visual contrastivity available for
linguistic purposes is much increased, compared with traditional
print. One of the immediate consequences of this is that new con-
ventions have emerged as signals for certain types of functionality -
for example, the use of colours and underlining to identify hy-
pertext links (see below) and e-mail addresses, or to establish the
distinct identity of different areas of the screen (main body, links,
help, advertising banner, etc.). Web pages need to achieve coher-
ence while making immediate impact; they need structure as well
as detail; interactive areas need to be clear and practicable; words,
pictures, and icons need to be harmonized. These are substantial
communicative demands, and the increased use of colour is the
main means of enabling them to be met. As Roger Pring puts it, in
a discussion of Web legibility: 9

Control of the colour of text and background is the single most
important issue, followed by an attempt to direct the browser's
choice of size and style of typeface.

Whatever else the Web is, it is noticeably a colourful medium, and
in this respect alone it is distinct from other Netspeak situations.



Pring (1999: 14). It can be quite tricky, especially in relation to the choice of fonts, to
ensure that WYSIWTS ['What You Send Is What They See'] (pp. 30-1).



202 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Hypertext and interactivity

Probably the most important use of colour in a well-designed Web
site is to identify the hypertext links - the jumps that users can
make if they want to move from one page or site to another. The
hypertext link is the most fundamental structural property of the
Web, without which the medium would not exist. It has parallels
in some of the conventions of traditional written text - especially
in the use of the footnote number or the bibliographical citation,
which enables a reader to move from one place in a text to another -
but nothing in traditional written language remotely resembles the
dynamic flexibility of the Web. At the same time, it has been pointed
out that the Web, as it currently exists, is a long way from exploiting
the full intertextuality which the term hypertext implies. As Michele
Jackson points out, true hypertext 'entails the complete and auto-
matic interlocking of text, so that all documents are coexistent, with
none existing in a prior or primary relation to any other'. 10 This
is certainly not the case in today's Web, where there is no central
databank of all documents, and where a link between one site and
another is often not reciprocated. There is no reason why it should
be: the sites are under different ownership, autonomous, and dis-
playing structures that are totally independent of each other. One
site's designer may incorporate links to other sites, but there is no
way in which the owners of those sites know that a link has been
made to them (though the obligation to seek permission seems
to be growing) and no obligation on them to return the compli-
ment. Nor does the existence of a link mean that it is achievable -
as everyone knows who has encountered the mortuarial black type
informing them that a connection could not be made. Some servers
refuse access; some sites refuse access. Owners may remove pages
from their site, or close a site down, without telling anyone else -
what is sometimes called 'link rot'. They may change its location or
its name. Whatever the cause, the result is a 'dead link' - a navigation
link to nowhere.

10 Jackson (1997). See also Bolter (1991).



The language of the Web 203

As Tim Berners-Lee points out, 11 a link does not imply any en-
dorsements: 'Free speech in hypertext implies the "right to link",
which is the very basic building unit for the whole Web.' The link is
simply a mechanism to enable hypertext to come into being. And,
as with all tools, it has to be used wisely if it is to be used well -
which in the first instance means in moderation. As William of
Occam might have said, 'Links should not be multiplied beyond
necessity' Because virtually any piece of text can be a link, the risk
is to overuse the device - both internally (within a page, or between
pages at the same site) and externally (between sites). But just as
one can over-footnote a traditional text, so one can over- link a Web
page. There is no algorithm for guiding Web authors or designers as
to the relevance or informativeness of a link. The designer is in the
unhappy position of those unsung heroes, the book indexers, who
try to anticipate all the possible information-retrieval questions
future readers of a book will make. However, page designers are
much worse off, as the 'book' of which their particular document
is a tiny part is the whole Web. One does one's best.

From the Web user's point of view, the links are provided by the
system. When someone else's e-mail arrives on our screen, we can,
if we wish, edit it - add to it, subtract from it, or change it in some
way. This is not possible with the copy of the page which arrives on
our computer from our server. We, as readers, cannot alter a Web
site: only the site owner can do that. The owner has total control
over what we may see and what may be accessed, and also what
links we may follow. As Web users, only three courses of action are
totally under our control: the initial choice of a particular site ad-
dress; scrolling through a document once we have accessed it; and
cutting and pasting from it. Although we may choose to follow a
hypertext link that a designer has provided us, the decision over
what those links should be is not ours. As Jackson says: 12

the presence of a link reflects a communicative choice made by the
designer. A link, therefore, is strategic. The possible variations for

11 Berners-Lee (1999: 151). 12 Jackson (1997: 8).



204 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

structure are shaped by communicative ends, rather than
technological means.

We, as users, cannot add our own links. The best we can do is send
a message to the owner suggesting an extra link. It is then entirely
up to the owner whether to accept the suggestion.

But for any of this to happen, interactivity needs to be built into
the system. This is the only way in which the Berners-Lee dream
can be fully realized: 13 'The Web is more a social creation than
a technical one ... to help people work together'. Genuine work-
ing together presupposes a mutuality of communicative access,
between site designers and site users. At present, in many cases,
the situation is asymmetrical: we, as Web users, can reach their
knowledge, but they cannot reach ours (or, at least, our questions
and reactions). The authors of Wired Style issue page-designers
with a blunt warning: 'On the Web, you forget your audience at
your peril.' 14 Fortunately, the warning seems to be being heeded. A
distinctive feature of an increasing number of Web pages is their
interactive character, as shown by the Contact Us, E-mail Us, Join
Our List, Help Questions, FAQs, Chat, and other screen boxes. The
Web is no longer only a purveyor of information. It has become
a communicative tool, which will vastly grow as it becomes a part
of interactive television. Doubtless, the trend is being much rein-
forced by the e-commerce driver, with its 'subscribe now', 'book
here', 'e-auction', 'stop me and buy one' character. Web owners
have come to realize that, as soon as someone enters a site, there
is a greater chance of them staying there if the site incorporates an
e-mail option, or offers a discussion forum.



Evolution and management

Because the linguistic character of the Web is in the hands of its site
owners, the interesting question arises of what is going to happen
as its constituency develops. Anyone may now publish pages on

13 Berners-Lee (1999: 133). 14 Hale and Scanlon (1999: 7).



The language of the Web 205

the Web, and professional designers have been scathing about the
untutored typographical hotchpotches which have been the result,
and have issued warnings about the need for care. Roger Pring, for
example: 15

Web screens may blossom with movies and be garnished with
sound tracks but, for the moment, type is the primary vehicle for
information and persuasion. Its appearance on screen is more
crucial than ever. Intense competition for the user's attention
means that words must attract, inform (and maybe seduce) as
quickly as possible. Flawless delivery of the message to the screen
is the goal. The road to success is very broad, but the surface rather
uneven.

The uneven surface is apparent on many current Web pages. Page
compilers often fail to respect the need for lines to be relatively
short, or fail to appreciate the value of columns. They may overuse
colour and type size, or underuse the variations which are available.
And they can transfer the habits of typing on paper, forgetting
that the HTML conventions ('Hypertext Markup Language', which
instructs the computer about how to lay out text) maybe different. 16
To take just one example, a simple carriage return is enough to mark
a paragraph ending on the paper page, but on screen this would
not result in a new paragraph: to guarantee that, the HTML <P>
needs to be inserted into the text at the appropriate point. Erratic
lineation, obscured paragraph divisions, misplaced headings, and
other such errors are the outcome. For the linguist, this complicates
the task enormously, making it difficult to draw conclusions about
the linguistic nature of the medium. The situation resembles that
found in language learning, where learners pass through a stage
of 'interlanguage', which is neither one language nor the other. 17
Many Web pages are, typographically speaking, in an 'in between'
state.



15 Pring (1999: 6). He also points out (p. 8) that designers for print have had only some
15 years' experience of dealing with language in a computer-mediated environment.

16 For a convenient guide to HTML tagging, see <http://www.willcam.com/cmat/html/
crossref.html>.

17 For interlanguage, see Selinker (1972).



206 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

There are other linguistic consequences of Web innocence, when
we consider that people are producing content for a potentially
worldwide readership. How does one learn to write for potential
millions, with clarity and (bearing in mind the international au-
dience) cultural sensitivity? The point is routinely recognized in
chatgroups (chapter 5). Usenet help manners, for example, has
this to say: 18

Keep Usenet's worldwide nature in mind when you post articles.
Even those who can read your language may have a culture wildly
different from yours. When your words are read, they might not
mean what you think they mean.

The point is even more powerful when we consider the vastly greater
range of subject-matter communicated via the Web. But the Web
presents us with a rather different problem. Its language is under
no central control. On the Web there are no powerful moderators
(p. 133). Individual servers may attempt to ban certain types of
site, but huge amounts of uncensored language slip through. There
are several sites where the aim is, indeed, contrary to conventional
standards of politeness and decency, or where the intention is to
give people the opportunity to rant about anything which has up-
set them. 19 Conventional language may be subverted in order to
evade the stratagems servers use to exclude pornographic material:
a Web address may use a juxtaposition of interesting and innocu-
ous words, and only upon arrival at the site does one realize that
the content is not what was conveyed by their dictionary mean-
ing. The debate continues over the many social and legal issues
raised by these situations - laws of obscenity and libel, matters of
security and policing, questions of freedom of speech - all made
more difficult by the many variations in practice which exist be-
tween countries. The Internet, as has often been pointed out, is no
respecter of national boundaries.

Issues associated with textual copyright have particular linguistic
consequences. Although we are unable to alter someone else's Web

18 'What is Usenet?' <http://www.faqs.org/faqs/usenet/what-is/partl>.

19 An example is <www.angry.net>.



The language of the Web 207

pages directly, it is perfectly possible to download a document to our
own computer, change the text, then upload the new document to a
Web site we have created for the purpose. In this way, it is relatively
easy for people to steal the work of others, or to adapt that work in
unsuspected ways. There is a widespread opinion that 'content is
free', fuelled by the many Web pages where this is indeed the case.
But freedom needs to be supplemented with responsibility, and this
is often lacking. Examples of forgery abound. Texts are sent to a site
purporting to be by a particular person, when they are not. I know
from personal experience that not all the T am the author' remarks
in some book sites are actually by the author. And there have been
several reported instances when a literary author's work has been
interfered with. This does not seem to be stopping the number of
authors ready to put their work directly onto the Web, however.

Most traditional printed texts have a single author - or, if more
than one author is involved, they have been authorized by a sin-
gle person, such as a script editor or a committee secretary. Sev-
eral pairs of eyes may scrutinize a document, before it is released,
to ensure that consistency and quality is maintained. Even indi-
vidually authored material does not escape, as publishers provide
copy-editors and proof-readers to eradicate unintended idiosyn-
crasy and implement house style. It is in fact extremely unusual
to find written language which has not been edited in some way -
which is one reason why chatgroup and virtual worlds material is
so interesting (p. 170). But on the Web, these checks and balances
are often not present. 20 There are multi-authored pages, where the
style shifts unexpectedly from one part of a page to another. The
more interactive a site becomes, the more likely it will contain lan-
guage from different dialect backgrounds and operating at different
stylistic levels - variations in formality are particularly common.

20 The lack of editorial quality control in many Web sites appals people brought up in the
rigorous climate of traditional publishing. A licensed edition of the electronic text of the
Cambridge Biographical Encyclopedia, which I edit, to one Web site was reproduced there
with no in-house editing at all - even to the extent of reproducing on-screen the printer
codes and page cross-references from the printed book, some of which were to sections
in the printed book that the Web site decided not to include. This is one story out of
dozens.



208 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Because reactions to an interactive site are easy to make, they are
often made. The linguistic character of a site thus becomes increas-
ingly eclectic. People have more power to influence the language
of the Web than in any other medium, because they operate on
both sides of the communication divide, reception and produc-
tion. They not only read a text, they can add to it. The distinction
between creator and receiver thus becomes blurred. The nearest we
could get to this, in traditional writing, was to add our opinions
to the margin of a book or to underline or highlight passages. We
can do this now routinely with interactive pages, with our efforts
given an identical typography to that used in the original text. It is
a stylistician's nightmare.

A nightmare, moreover, made worse by the time-sink effect.
A little while ago I was searching the Web for some data on the
Bermudas. I received many hits, but the first few dozen were all
advertisements for Bermuda shorts, which was not exactly what I
had in mind. This is a familiar search-engine problem (p. 197), but
what was noticeable about this particular result was the time-range
displayed by the hits. The ads were monthly accounts of the range
and prices dating back several years - April 1994, May 1994, and
so on. Quite evidently, many owners do not delete their old Web
pages; they leave them there. I do not know of any source which will
tell me just how much of the Web is an information rubbish-dump
of this kind. Unless data-management procedures alter to cope
with it, the proportion must increase. And in due course, there
will be an implication for anyone who wants to use the Web as a
synchronic corpus, in order to make statements about its stylistic
character. Let us jump forward fifty years. We call up an inter-
active site to which people have now been contributing for two
generations. The contributions will reflect the language changes
of the whole period, displaying words and idioms yet unknown,
and perhaps even changes in spelling, grammar, and discourse
patterns. Though some sites already date-stamp all contributions
(e.g. Amazon's reader reactions), by no means all do so. In the
worst-case scenario, we could encounter a single text created by an



The language of the Web 209

indefinite number of people at indefinite times over several years.
Several competitors for the 'world's longest sentence ever' are al-
ready of this form. 21 While these are instances of language play,
the implications for serious stylistic investigation are far-reaching.
But handling the increasingly diachronic character of the Web, and
coping with its chronological clutter, raises issues which go well
beyond the linguistic.

The trouble with the notion of 'knowledge' is that it is all-
inclusive. The price of Bermuda shorts in April 1994 counts as
knowledge. So does A.N. Other's account of his break-up with his
girlfriend, which may be found on his Web page. At the heart of
knowledge management is therefore the task of evaluation. Judge-
ments have to be made in terms of significance vs. triviality, with
reference to a particular point of view, and criteria have to be in-
troduced to enable a notion of relevance to be implemented. The
common complaint nowadays is that we are being swamped by
knowledge; such phrases as 'information overload' are everywhere.
What use is it to me to be told that, if I search for 'linguistics' on
my search engine, I have 86,764 hits? Part of Berners-Lee's vision
was shared knowledge: 'the dream of people-to-people communi-
cation through shared knowledge must be possible for groups of all
sizes'. 22 But unless the notion of sharing is subjected to some sort
of assessment, the dream begins to take on nightmarish qualities.
For Berners-Lee, another part of the dream is a 'semantic web . . .
capable of analysing all the data on the Web - the content, links
and transactions between people and computers'. This is a stirring
vision, which will keep generations of semanticists yet unborn in
jobs. But no semantic or pragmatic theory yet devised is capable
of carrying out the kind of sophisticated relevance analysis which
would be required.



21 For example, the 'Amazing Run-on Sentence Page' at
<http://www.users.zetnet.co.uk/bywater/ee.res09.htm>.

22 Berners-Lee (1999: 169); also for the next quotation. Several sites now provide guidance
in Web page evaluation, especially from a scholarly point of view, such as the Internet
Detective: <http://www.sosig.ac.uk/desire/internet-detective.html>.



210 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Even the most basic semantic criteria are missing from the heavily
frequency-dominated information retrieval techniques currently
used by search engines. All such engines incorporate an element
of encyclopedic classification into their procedure, but this is only
a small part of the answer to the question of how to implement
relevance. Any search-engine assistant needs to supplement its en-
cyclopedic perspective by a semantic one. The typical problem can
be illustrated by the word depression, which if typed into the search
box of a search engine will produce a mixed bag of hits in which its
senses within psychiatry, geography, and economics are not distin-
guished (nor, of course, less widespread uses, such as in glassware
and literature). The experience of trawling through a load of irrel-
evant hits before finding one which relates to the context of our
enquiry is universal. The solution is obvious: to give the user the
choice of which context to select. 23 The user is asked on screen:
'Do you mean depression (economics) or depression (psychiatry)
or depression (geography) . . .?' Once the choice is made, the soft-
ware then searches for only those hits relevant to the selection. The
procedure sounds simple, but it is not, for the notion of context
has to be formalized and the results incorporated into the software.
But what is the semantic basis of a domain such as economics or
psychiatry, or of any of their relevant sub-domains? Which lexi-
cal items are the 'key' ones to be searched for, and how are they
organized? The task goes well beyond scrutinizing the items listed
in a dictionary or thesaurus. These can provide a starting-point,
but the alphabetical organization of a dictionary and the uncon-
trolled conceptual clustering of a thesaurus lack the kind of sharp
semantic focus required. In linguistics, several notions have been
developed to provide such a focus - such as the recognition of
lexemes (as opposed to words), semantic fields, sense relations,
and the componential analysis of lexical meanings. 24 They are not
unproblematic, but they do have considerable potential for ap-
plication in such computer-mediated situations as Web-searching

23 This is the procedure used in the ALFIE ['A Lexical Filter Internet Enquirer'] project: see
Crystal (1997d).

24 For semantic fields see Crystal (1997a: 104).



The language of the Web 211

and automatic document classification, once software is adapted
to cope. 25

The lack of even an elementary semantics also bedevils those soft-
ware systems which attempt to evaluate the content of Web sites
(censorware), replacing parts of words by X's, filtering out pages, or
blocking access to sites which contain 'dangerous' words. 26 Thus,
in one report, a student was barred from his high school's Web site
from the school library because the software objected to his word
high. A woman named Hilary Anne was not allowed to register the
username hilaryanne with a particular e-mail company because
it contained the word aryan. Sites which fight against pornogra-
phy can be banned because they contain words like pornography.
In 2000, Digital Freedom Network held a 'Foil the Filters' con-
test to demonstrate the unreliability of censorware. Their Silicon
Eye Award ('for finding objectionable content where only a com-
puter would look') was given to someone who wanted to register
an account with a site which would not accept the name Heather
because it contained the phrase eat her\ Honourable mentions were
given to another enquirer who could not access a biotechnology
site because its name (accessexcellence.org) contained the word sex.
Doubtless residents of Essex and Sussex, people called Cockburmnd
Babcock, or anyone who uses Dick as their first name, encounter
such problems routinely. Other examples of words which have been
banned include cucumbers (because it contains cum), Matsushita
(shit), analysis (anal), class (ass), and speech (pee). More puzzlingly,
among the words which some cyberware systems have blocked are
golden, mate, and scoop. The linguistic naivety which lies behind
such decision-making beggars belief.



This is no small problem either. My initial semantic investigation of the keywords cor-
responding to the encyclopedia classes for the ALFIE project (fn. 23) produced over a
hundred keywords for each class. This proved impossible for search-engine software to
implement, so the number of keywords was reduced to an arbitrary 40. Even then, some
applications could not cope with such a number. But working with large clusters of lexical
items is a sine qua non of any semantic approach to Web-searching. A large question-mark
therefore hangs over the semantic approach to the Web envisioned by Berners-Lee, at
least until such time as much more powerful processing options become available.
The examples in this paragraph all come from the Digital Freedom Network site:
http://dfn.org/focus/censor/contest.htm>.



212 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The linguistic limitations of word-processing and search-engine
software affect our ability to find what is on the Web in several
ways, and eventually must surely influence our intuitions about
the nature of our language. So do the attempts to control usage
in areas other than the politically correct. Which writers have not
felt angry at the way pedants in the software companies have at-
tempted to interfere with their style, sending a warning when their
sentences go beyond a certain length, or when they use which in-
stead of that (or vice versa), or -ise instead of -ize (or vice versa),
or dare to split an infinitive? The advice can be switched off, of
course; but many people do not bother to switch it off, or do not
know how to. Sometimes they do not want to switch it off, as some-
thing of value is lost thereby. The software controlling the page I
am currently typing, for example, inserts a red wavy line under-
neath anything which is misspelled, according to the dictionary
it uses. I find this helpful, because I am no perfect typist. On the
other hand it has just underlined scrutinizing and formalized, in
the previous paragraph (though, curiously, not organized). The
red lines are a constant irritant, and it takes a real effort of will
not to yield to them and go for the software-recommended form.
Whether others resist this insidious threat to linguistic variety I do
not know. My feeling is that a large number of valuable stylistic dis-
tinctions are being endangered by this repeated encounter with the
programmer's prescriptive usage preferences. Online dictionaries
and grammars are likely to influence usage much more than their
traditional Fowlerian counterparts ever did. It would be good to
see a greater descriptive realism emerge, paying attention to the
sociolinguistic and stylistic complexity which exists in a language,
but at present the recommendations are arbitrary, oversimplified,
and depressingly purist in spirit (p. 74). 27



27 Dorner (1992) illustrates from various offerings. She comments on the nature of the
software writer's problem: 'Software that upbraids a writer too often is irritating and
saps the confidence of inexperienced writers: software that fails to deal with one of the
matters that can expose a writer to public scorn is unreliable and saps the confidence of
experienced writers' (p. 30).



The language of the Web 213

I am therefore pleased to see the arrival of satire, as a means
of drawing attention to the problem. Bob Hirschfeld's newspaper
article, 'Taking liberties: the pluperfect', 28 is one such contribution.
In it he describes the deadly Strunkenwhite virus which returns
e-mail messages to their senders if they contain grammatical or
spelling errors. He explains:

The virus is causing something akin to panic throughout
corporate America, which has become used to the typos,
misspellings, missing words and mangled syntax so acceptable in
cyberspace. The CEO of LoseItAll.com, an Internet startup, said
the virus has rendered him helpless. 'Each time I tried to send one
particular e-mail this morning, I got back this error message:
"Your dependent clause preceding your independent clause must
be set off by commas, but one must not precede the conjunction."
I threw my laptop across the room.'

His article concludes:

'We just can't imagine what kind of devious mind would want to
tamper with e-mails to create this burden on communications',
said an FBI agent who insisted on speaking via the telephone out
of concern that trying to e-mail his comments could leave him
tied up for hours.

It is good to see some artists coming on board. Turner prize nom-
inee Tomoko Takahashi has a Web project he devised to object to
the way software is imposing a 'standardised corporate language on
to our writing' while 'subtly altering its meaning'. He calls it Word
Perhect. 29

Some degree of normalization is unavoidable in automatic in-
formation retrieval (IR), as US librarian and information scientist
Terrence Brookes comments: 30

Although IR searchers are said to be 'searching a database' or
'searching for documents', these metaphors obscure the reality of



28 Washington Post, 2 May 1999, B05.

29 Seen at the online gallery <http://www.chisenhale.org.uk/ch2>.

30 Brookes (1998: 732), from which some of the following examples are taken.



214 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

the more mundane task of matching query term to index term. In
an IR system hosting unrestricted text, the task of matching one
string of characters to another string of characters would be very
difficult unless there was a normalizing algorithm that processed
both the document text and the query text.

But for every normalization decision that has negligible conse-
quences for linguistic meaning (such as standardizing the amount
of blank space between paragraphs), there are several which result
in the loss of important linguistic detail. If careful attention is not
paid to punctuation, hyphenation, capitalization, and special sym-
bols (such as &, /, *, $) valuable discriminating information can be
lost. When contrasts from these areas are ignored in searching, as is
often the case, all kinds of anomalies appear, and it is extremely dif-
ficult to obtain consistency. Software designers underestimate the
amount of variation there is in the orthographic system, the per-
vasive nature of language change, and the influence context has in
deciding whether an orthographic feature is obligatory or optional.
For example, there are contexts where the ignoring of an apostro-
phe in a search is inconsequential (e.g. in St Paul's Cathedral, where
the apostrophe is often omitted in general usage anyway), but in
other contexts it can be highly confusing. Proper names can be
disrupted - John O'Reilly is not John Oreilly or John O Reilly (a ma-
jor problem for such languages as French and Italian, where forms
such as d' and V are common). Hyphens can be critical unifiers,
as in CD-ROM and X-ray Similar problems arise when slashes
and dashes are used to separate words or parts of words within an
expression, as in many chemical names. Disallowing the amper-
sand makes it hard to find such firms as AT&T or P&O, whether
solid or spaced; no hits may be returned, or the P. . .0 string is
swamped by other P O hits, where the ampersand has nothing to
do with their identity. When more than one of these conventions
are involved in the same search, the extent to which the search-
engines simplify the true complexity of a language's orthography
is quickly appreciated. Brookes 31 points out that a string such as

31 Brookes (1998).



The language of the Web 215

Brother-in-Law O'Toole would be normalized in different ways by
different IR systems. And it gets worse, if O'Toole turns out to be the
author of a particular version of a software program, as in Brother-
in-Law O'Toole's 'Q & A' System/Version 1.0. Few of us would
know what to expect of any software system processing this search
request.

The stop words recognized by different systems pose a special
problem. These usually comprise a list of the grammatical words
which are so frequent and contain so little semantic content that the
search mechanism ignores them. The trouble is that these words of-
ten form an obligatory part of something which does have semantic
content (such as the title of a novel or film) or are homographic
with content words - in which case they become irretrievable. For
example, the Dutch firm for which the ALFIE project (see fn. 23)
was undertaken was called AND (the initials of its founders); as
and would be on any stop-list, a search engine which is not case-
sensitive would make this string virtually impossible to find among
the welter of hits in which the word and is prominent. The AND
case is not unique, as anyone knows who has tried searching for
the discipline of IT— let alone for the Stephen King novel, It. Sev-
eral forms which are grammatical in one context become content
items in another, such as a in Vitamin A, A-team, and the Andy
Warhol novel a, or who in Doctor Who, as well as the polysemy
involved in such words as will and may (cf. May). Finding US
states by abbreviation, under these circumstances, can be tricky:
there is no problem with such states as KY (Kentucky) and TX
(Texas), but it would be unwise to try searching for Indiana
(IN), Maine (ME), or Oregon (OR), or even for Ohio (OH) and
Oklahoma (OK). Cross-linguistic differences add further compli-
cations: those computers which block an and or in English exclude
the words for 'year' and 'gold' in French (as well as a significant part
of English heraldry, where the term oris crucial). C. L. Borgman
comments: 32



Borgman (1996: 499); see also Borgman (1986).



216 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

As the non-English-speaking world comes online and preserves
their full character sets in their online catalogs and other retrieval
systems, matching filing order, keyboard input, and display, will
become ever more complex.

And it is precisely this world which is now coming online, in ever-
increasing numbers.



Languages on the Web

The Web is an eclectic medium, and this is seen also in its multilin-
guistic inclusiveness. Not only does it offer a home to all linguistic
styles within a language; it offers a home to all languages - once
their communities have a functioning computer technology. This
has been the most notable change since the Web began. It was orig-
inally a totally English medium - as was the Internet as a whole,
given its US origins. 33 But with the Internet's globalization, the
presence of other languages has steadily risen. In the mid-1990s,
a widely quoted figure was that just over 80% of the Net was in
English. This was supported by a 1997 survey by Babel, a joint ini-
tiative of the Internet Society and Alis Technologies, the first major
study of language distribution on the Internet. 34 This study used
a random number generator to find 8,000 computers hosting an
HTTP server; and a program then subjected a selection of pages to
an automatic language identification, using software which could
recognize 17 languages. Of 3,239 home pages found, the language
distribution (after correction for various types of possible error)
was as shown in Table 7.1. The gap between English and the other
languages is notable, and supports the widespread impression, fre-
quently reported in newspaper headlines, that the language of the
Internet 'is' English. 'World, Wide, Web: 3 English Words' was the

33 See Crystal (1997c). Jim Erickson (1998) sums it up in a story from Al Gore reporting the
remark of the eight-year-old son of Kyrgyzstan's President Akayev, who told his father
that he had to learn English. When asked why, the child apparently replied: 'Because the
computer speaks English'.

34 <www.isoc.org:8030/palmares.en.html>. For Babel's project on internationalizing the
Internet, see <http://babel.alis.com:8080/>.



The language of the Web 217

Table 7.1 Language distribution on the Web (seefn. 34)







Number


Corrected


Ranking


Language


of pages


percentage


1


English


2,722


82.3


2


German


147


4.0


3


Japanese


101


1.6


4


French


59


1.5


5


Spanish


38


1.1


6


Swedish


35


0.6


7


Italian


31


0.8


8


Portuguese


21


0.7


9


Dutch


20


0.4


10


Norwegian


19


0.3


11


Finnish


14


0.3


12


Czech


11


0.3


13


Danish


9


0.3


14


Russian


8


0.1


15


Malay


4


0.1




none or unknown




5.6




(correction)






Total




3,239


100



headline of one piece in The New York Times, 35 and the article went
on to comment: 'if you want to take full advantage of the Internet
there is only one real way to do it: learn English'. The writer did
acknowledge the arrival of other languages:

As the Web grows the number of people on it who speak French,
say, or Russian will become more varied and that variety will be
expressed on the Web. That is why it is a fundamentally
democratic technology.

However, he concluded:

But it won't necessarily happen soon.

The evidence is growing that this conclusion was wrong. The
estimates for languages other than English have steadily risen since

35 Specter (1996).



218 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

then, with some commentators predicting that before long the Web
(and the Internet as a whole) will be predominantly non-English,
as communications infrastructure develops in Europe, Asia, Africa,
and South America. A Global Reach survey 36 estimated that people
with Internet access in non-English-speaking countries increased
from 7 million to 136 million between 1995 and 2000. In 1998,
the total number of newly created non-English Web sites passed
that for newly created English Web sites, with Spanish, Japanese,
German, and French the chief players. 37 Alta Vista had six Euro-
pean sites in early 2000, and were predicting that by 2002 less than
50% of the Web would be in English. 38 Graddol predicted an even
lower figure in due course, 40%. 39 In certain parts of the world, the
local language is already dominant. According to Japanese Inter-
net author Yoshi Mikami, 90% of Web pages in Japan are now in
Japanese. 40 A report published in October 2000 by Jupiter Media
Matrix 41 suggested that the greatest growth in online households
over the first half of the '00s is going to be outside the USA. A
Nua Internet Survey the previous month 42 estimated that about
378 million people were online worldwide: of these, 161 million
were in North America and 106 million in Europe. What is inter-
esting is that 90 million were in Asia and the Pacific, a total that
is likely to pass Europe's soon, given the population growth dif-
ferential between those two parts of the world. The 15 million in
Latin America and the tiny 3 million in Africa show the potential
for growth in those areas one day.

The Web is increasingly reflecting the distribution of language
presence in the real world, and there is a steadily growing set

36 <http://www.euromktg.com/eng/GR>. 37 Lebert (1999).

38 Session on 'Search Engines' in Search Engine Strategies 2000, 27 April, May Fair Inter-
Continental, London.

39 Graddol (1998: 51). Only 32% of European Web surfers consult the Web in English,
according to data reported in Lebert (1999).

40 Interviewed in Lebert (1999). Mikami is the author of 'The languages of the world
by computers and the Internet', a site which includes information on a wide range
of languages, including data on their writing system, character set, and keyboard. See
<http://www.threeweb.ad.jp/logos>.

41 <http://www.jupitermediamatrix.com>. 42 <http://www.nua.ie/surveys>.



The language of the Web 219

of sites which provide the evidence. 43 They range from individ-
ual businesses doing their best to present a multilingual identity
to major sites collecting data on many languages. Under the for-
mer heading we encounter several newspapers, such as the Belgian
daily, Le Soir, which is represented by six languages: French, Dutch,
English, German, Italian, and Spanish. Under the latter heading we
find such sites as the University of Oregon Font Archive, provid-
ing 112 fonts in their archives for over 40 languages - including,
in a nicely light-hearted addendum, Morse, Klingon, Romulan,
and Tolkien (Cirth, Elvish, etc.). The same centre's Interactive Lan-
guage Resources Guide provides data on 1 15 languages. 44 A World
Language Resources site lists products for 728 languages. 45 Some
sites focus on certain parts of the world: an African resource list
covers several local languages; Yoruba, for example, is illustrated
by some 5,000 words, along with proverbs, naming patterns, and
greetings. 46 Another site deals with no less than 87 European minor-
ity languages. 47 Some sites are very small in content, but extensive
in range: one gives the Lord's Prayer in nearly 500 languages. 48 No-
body has yet worked out just how many languages have obtained a
modicum of presence on the Web. I started to work my way down
the Ethnologue listing of the world's languages, 49 and stopped when
I reached 1,000. It was not difficult to find evidence of a Net pres-
ence for the vast majority of the more frequently used languages,
and for a large number of minority languages too, especially in



43 The trend now extends beyond the Web to other Internet situations, where there are
signs of slow progress towards an increasing multilingualism. Chatgroups and MUDs
are steadily coming online in different languages: for example, Internet Relay Chat was
listing 20 languages in late 2000. The list is at <http://www.irchelp.org/irchelp/misc/
foreign. html>. Geoff Nunberg (personal communication) had by 1996 found some 60
Usenet groups wholly or partly using other languages.

44 <http://babel.uoregon.edu/YLC/guides.html>. Examples of other resource sites are
<http://www.itp.berkeley.edu/~thorne/HumanResources.html>, <http:www.call.gov/
resource/language/language. htm>, the dictionary list at <http://www.yourdictionary.
com>, the Human Languages Page at <http://www.june29.com/HLP>, and the Lan-
guages on the Web site at <http://www.languages-on-the-web.com>, which provides
parallel translations of 55 languages.

45 <http://secure.worldlanguage.com>. 46 <http://www.africaservice.com>.
<http://www.smo.uhi.ac.uk/saoghal/mion-chanain/Failte-en.html>.



47



<http://www.christusrex.org>. Ethnologue is at <http://www.sil.org>.



220 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

those technologically developed parts of the world which happen
to contain large numbers of minority or endangered languages,
such as the USA, Canada, and Australia. I would guess that about a
quarter of the world's languages have some sort of Internet presence
now.

How much use is made of these sites is, of course, a different
matter. Until a critical mass of Internet penetration in a country
builds up, and a corresponding mass of content exists in the local
language, the motivation to switch from English -language sites will
be limited to those for whom issues of identity outweigh issues of
information. The notion of 'critical mass' is recognized in Metcalfe's
Law (named after Ethernet inventor, Robert M. Metcalfe) : networks
increase in functionality by the square of the number of nodes they
contain. In other words, a single language site is useless, because
the owner has nobody to link to; two provides a minimal commu-
nicativity; and so on. The future is also very much dependent on
the levels of English-speaking ability in individual countries, and
the likelihood of further growth in those levels. 50 Code-mixing is
also found in many interactive Internet situations, though not so
much as yet on the Web. 51 Technological progress (see chapter 8)
will also radically alter the situation. There is no doubt that low-
cost Internet use is going to grow, all over the world, as wireless
networking puts the Internet within reach of people in developing
nations who will use access devices powered by solar cells or clock-
work generators. Global mobile phones will have dish-on-a-chip
transceivers built into them, with communication up and down via
LEO ['low earth orbit'] satellite. 52 All of this must have an impact
on language presence.

In the above examples, we are encountering language presence
in a real sense. These are not sites which only analyse or talk about
languages, from the point of view of linguistics or some other



50 See Vehovar, Batagelj, and Lozar (1999), for a discussion of this situation in relation to
Slovenian.

51 Code-switching is noted by both Li Longyan (2000: 34) and Li Lan (2000: 28), both with
Chinese English. See also p. 166.

52 See the account in Cotton and Garrett (1999: 14ff).



The language of the Web 221

academic subject; they are sites which allow us to see languages
as they are. In many cases, the total Web presence, in terms of
number of pages, is quite small. The crucial point is that the lan-
guages are out there, even if represented by only a sprinkling of
sites. It is the ideal medium for minority languages, given the rela-
tive cheapness and ease of creating a Web page, compared with the
cost and difficulty of obtaining a newspaper page, or a programme
or advertisement on radio or television. On the other hand, de-
veloping a significant cyber-presence is not easy. As Ned Thomas
comments, in an editorial for Contact, reflecting on the reduced
dominance of English on the Net (p. 216): 53

It is not the case . . . that all languages will be marginalized on the
Net by English. On the contrary, there will be a great demand for
multilingual Web sites, for multilingual data retrieval, for machine

translation, for voice recognition systems to be multilingual

The danger for minority languages - and indeed for all small
languages - is that they will be left outside the inner circle of
languages for which it is commercially viable to develop voice
recognition and machine translation systems. Typically, such
systems depend on the analysis of large bodies of language which
can be expensive to develop and which can take time to develop.

The interviews conducted by Marie Lebert for her study indi-
cate that those in the business are fairly unanimous about the
future multilinguality of the Internet in general, and the Web in
particular. 54 Take this comment, from Marcel Grangier, head of
the Section francaise des Services linguistiques centraux (SLC-f)
['French Section of the Central Linguistic Services'] of the Swiss
Federal Administration:

Multilingualism on the Internet can be seen as a happy and above
all irreversible inevitability. In this perspective we have to make
fun of the wet blankets who only speak to complain about the
supremacy of English. This supremacy is not wrong in itself,
inasmuch as it is the result of mainly statistical facts (more PCs per



53



?!



Ned Thomas (2000). Contact is the bulletin for the European Bureau of Lesser Used

Languages.

This and the following quotation are from Lebert (1999).



222 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

inhabitant, more English-speaking people, etc.). The
counter-attack is not to 'fight against English and even less to
whine about it, but to increase sites in other languages. As a
translation service, we also recommend the multilingualism of
websites.

Tyler Chambers, creator of various Web language projects, agrees:

the future of the Internet is even more multilingualism and
cross-cultural exploration and understanding than we've already
seen.

The point seems to be uncontentious among those who shaped the
Web. Tim Berners-Lee, for example: 55

The Web must allow equal access to those in different economic
and political situations; those who have physical or cognitive
disabilities; those of different cultures; and those who use different
languages with different characters that read in different
directions across a page.

The problem is a practical one, but a great deal has been done
since the mid-1990s. 56 First, the ASCII character set was extended,
so that non-English accents and diacritics could be included, but
its 8-bit restriction meant that only a maximum of 256 characters
could be handled - a tiny number compared with the array of
letter-shapes in Arabic, Hindi, Chinese, Korean, and the many other
languages in the world which do not use the Latin alphabet. 57 The
UNICODE system represents each character with 16 bits, allow-
ing over 65,000 characters; but the implementation of this system is
still in its infancy 58 The Web consortium now has an internation-
alization activity looking specifically at different alphabets, so that
operating systems can support a page in any alphabet. And Berners-
Lee looks forward to the day when the linking of meanings, within
and between languages, is possible through the use of 'inference



55 Berners-Lee (1999: 178).

56 As reviewed, for example, by Bourbonnais and Yergeau (1996).

57 For the world's writing systems, see Daniels and Bright (1996).

58 See the Unicode site at <http://www.unicode.org>; also the review of fonts and special
characters in Condron (2000b).



The language of the Web 223

languages' which 'will make all the data in the world look like one
huge database'. 59

A great deal has to be done before this day dawns. There needs to
be immense progress in Internet linguistics, especially in semantics
and pragmatics, and also in graphology and typography. There is
an enormous gap to be filled in comparative lexicography: most
of the English technical terms used on the Web have still not been
translated into other languages, and a great deal of varying usage
exists, with English loanwords and local variants uncertainly co-
existing. 60 On the positive side, there has been an enormous growth
of interest in translation issues and procedures during the past
decade. And localization (the adaptation of a product to suit a target
language and culture) is the buzz-word in many circles. There seems
little doubt that the character of the Web is going to be increasingly
multilingual, and that the issues discussed in the first half of this
chapter are going to require revision in the light of what has been
said in the second. But I have as yet found no comparative research
into the way different languages approach the same problems on
their respective Web sites. Nor is it clear what happens linguistically
when Internet technology is used in new areas of application, and
when new technological developments influence the language to
move in different directions. What is clear is that the linguistic
future of the Web, and of the Internet as a whole, is closely bound
up with these applications and future developments. They therefore
provide the topic of the final chapter.



59 Berners-Lee (1999: 200-1).

60 See, for example, the Multilingual Glossary of Internet Terminology project at
<http://www.netglos.com>.



8 The linguistic future

of the Internet



It seems to be a standard convention for books dealing with digital
technology to begin or end by warning their readers that everything
they contain is going to be soon out of date; and a linguistic per-
spective on the subject is no exception. Any attempt to characterize
the language of the Internet, whether as a whole or with reference
to one of its constituent situations, immediately runs up against
the transience of the technology The different arenas of communi-
cation described in earlier chapters will not remain for long as they
are, given that the technological developments upon which they
rely are constantly evolving, putting users under constant pressure
to adapt their language to the demands of new contexts, and giving
them fresh opportunities to interact in novel ways. The readiness
with which people do adapt language to meet the needs of new
situations, which is at the heart of linguistic evolution - and which
the central chapters of this book clearly demonstrate - is going to be
fully exploited in the next few decades, with the emergence of yet
more sophisticated forms of digitally mediated communication.
Nor is the population using it any more stable: it is unusual to see a
disclaimer in a bibliography of the kind used on p. 243, for exam-
ple, but there is simply no guarantee that any of the URLs [uniform
resource locators] listed in my footnotes and bibliography will still
exist by the time this book appears. They may have become 'dead
links' (p. 202). :

The Internet has been the focus of this book, within which I have
looked at five situations - e-mail, synchronous and asynchronous
chatgroups, virtual worlds, and the World Wide Web. In each case,

1 'There's a curse, a curse so potent and vile that writers dare not give it a name, which
guarantees that as soon as you include a reference to a time-honored resource in your
book, that resource vanishes' (Ihnatko, 1997: v).



224



The linguistic future of the Internet 225

I have found clear signs of the emergence of a distinctive variety
of language, with characteristics closely related to the properties
of its technological context as well as to the intentions, activities,
and (to some extent) personalities of the users. But the Net is
only a part of the world of computer- mediated language. Many
new technologies are anticipated, which will integrate the Internet
with other communication situations, and these will provide the
matrix within which further language varieties will develop. We
have already seen this happen with broadcasting technology: radio
brought a new kind of language, which quickly yielded several sub-
varieties (commentary, news, weather . . .); then television added
a further dimension, which similarly evolved sub-varieties. How
many computer-mediated varieties of language will eventually
emerge, it is difficult to say; but we can be sure of one thing -
it will be far greater than the five tentatively identified in this book.
As Bob Cotton and Malcolm Garrett say, in the title of their review
of the future of media and global expert systems, 'You ain't seen
nothing yet'. 2

Immediate innovation is anticipated in each of the three tradi-
tional domains of communication: production, transmission, and
reception. Cotton and Garrett, somewhat analogously, describe the
future in terms of major developments in delivery systems, process-
ing power, and access devices. All of these will have an impact on
the kind of language we use. The heart of the matter seems to be
the immense increase in bandwidth, already seen in ISDN, cable,
and optical fibre technologies, which will permit many channels to
be simultaneously available within a single signal, and thus allow
hitherto separate communication modalities to be integrated. The
two main modes, sound and vision, have already begun to be linked
in this way; and there is in principle no reason why other modes
(tactile, olfactory, gustatory) should not also be incorporated. The
various established media elements are already becoming increas-
ingly integrated, in a frame of reference neatly captured by the

2 Cotton and Garrett (1999); see also Atwell (1999). Futurological implications are also
the theme of Gilder (2000), whose notion of the telecosm captures a world 'enabled and
defined by new communications technology'.



226 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

phrase streaming media. It would appear that the aim is to make
anything speedily available with anything - Web with sound and
video, personal digital assistants with Web access, television with
Internet access, Internet with television access, radio programmes
with pictures, and so on. Cotton and Garrett illustrate some of the
combinations: 3

expect to see digital cameras incorporating a personal organiser,
stylus handwriting recognition, audio voice recording and
internet access (e-mail and messaging, and JPEG image transfer).
Or a basic PDA (personal digital assistant) that becomes a stills
camera, digital radio, web browser, fax machine, mobile phone,
television set, video camcorder, voice memo-recorder on
demand - whenever the user plugs in the appropriate smartcard
or (eventually) presses the appropriate button.

New terms are already evolving to describe the novel combinations
of function, such as teleputer. Some domains, such as holography,
have yet to develop their communicative nomenclature.

From a linguistic point of view, the developments are of two
broad kinds: those which will affect the nature of language use
within an individual speech community; and those which bring
different languages together. Under the former heading, there will
be linguistic implications when speech is added to already exist-
ing visual modalities, as in Internet telephony, with the microphone
and loudspeakers giving the Net the functionality of a phone. In due
course, we will be able to interact with systems through speech -
already possible in a limited way - with speech recognition (at
the sender's end) making it unnecessary to type messages into a
system, and speech synthesis (at the receiver's end) providing an
alternative to graphic communication. Then there is the comple-
mentary effect, with vision being added to already existing speech
modalities (both synchronous and asynchronous), as in the case of
the personal videophone, videoconferencing using mobile phones,
and video extensions to e-mail and chat situations. Here we shall

3 Cotton and Garrett (1999: 14). JPEG refers to Joint Photographic Experts Group, the
standard method for the electronic transmission of photographs.



The linguistic future of the Internet 227

experience real-time smooth visibility of the person(s) we are
talking to - and also, in some applications, the option of see-
ing ourselves as well - thus making irrelevant the communica-
tive inadequacies described in earlier chapters. Of course, whether
these technologies will be welcomed or implemented by, for ex-
ample, the members of those synchronous chatgroups where
anonymity and fantasy are the essence of the interaction, remains to
be seen.

The developments which will bring languages together take me
away from the theme of this book, but they should at least be men-
tioned for the sake of completeness. Here we are talking about the
provision of automatic translation of increasing quality via mul-
tilingual browsers. It will still take some decades for translation
devices to leave behind their errorful and pidgin-like character,
and routinely achieve a language level with high-quality grammat-
ical, semantic, and discourse content; but once available, it will be
routinely accessible through the Internet. We can also envisage the
translating telephone, where we speak into a phone, and the soft-
ware carries out the required speech recognition, translation, and
speech synthesis, enabling the listeners to hear our speech in their
own language. It is only a short step from here to Douglas Adams'
'Babel fish', inserted into the ear to enable the same thing to happen
in face-to-face communication. 4 The implications of such tech-
nologies on languages have yet to be fully appreciated. Plainly the
arrival of automatic translation will act as a natural force counter-
acting the currently accelerating trend towards the use of English
(or any other language) as a global lingua franca. But there are
more fundamental implications, for, in a world where it is possible
to translate automatically from any one language into any other,
we have to face up to the issue of whether people will be bothered
to learn foreign languages at all. Such a world is, of course, a very
long way off. Only a tiny number of languages are seen to be com-
mercially viable prospects for automatic translation research, and
few of the world's languages have attracted linguistic research of

4 Adams (1979: ch. 6).



228 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

the magnitude required to make machine translation viable. The
issue is, accordingly, only of theoretical interest - for now.

Most of the technological developments in the above paragraphs
are, fortunately, not so apocalyptic in their implications; but every
one does raise a linguistic issue of some kind. Interactivity is one
of the key themes. The more integration there is, the more it will
need to be managed. We need to think about the design of inter-
active screens, and the development of a simple and unambiguous
command structure which will handle both linear and interactive
media. How linguistically smart will 'smart software' actually be?
The psychophysical limitations of the technology have to be an-
ticipated: just how much manageable information is it possible to
receive on a wristwatch television, or on the screen of a mobile
phone? Each technical context will present its own linguistic con-
straints and opportunities, whether it be 'interactive digital televi-
sion' (DTV), 'interactive video-on-demand', 'interactive movies', or
any other development. For example, what language demands will
be made on us when we decide to be involved in the last of these -
real-time computer-generated scenarios, in which we would find
ourselves interacting with film-stars in predesigned cinematic set-
tings? 5 Or, in cases where speech synthesis is going to present our
persona to the rest of the world, whether in our own language or
in some other, what type of accent will we choose to use? A new
kind of anonymity will then be possible, as we display ourselves
in a phonetic guise of our own choosing (within the set allowed
by the software). Accent being such a sensitive issue, I can foresee
all the old issues of appropriateness and correctness, so beloved by
correspondents to the BBC, taking on a new computer-mediated
lease of life.

The following example illustrates how a new technology has
immediate linguistic consequences. During the 1990s, the mobile
phone industry developed its short message service (SMS), often
referred to as texting. This has seen a remarkable growth, with

5 The possibility was illustrated in the 'a, b, and c episode of The Prisoner ITC television
series of the 1960s, where the character played by Patrick McGoohan is electronically
introduced into a film dream scenario where he interacts with the characters.



The linguistic future of the Internet 229

some 8 billion messages sent worldwide in August 2000, 15 billion
in December, and a steady lowering of the age of phone users -
two-thirds of 14- to 16-year-olds have their own phone, and 10- to
1 1 -year-olds are the fastest growing market. It is a cheaper medium
than conventional voice calling, and a more private medium, in that
users can communicate without their conversation aurally disturb-
ing other people they happen to be with. A Mori/Lycos UK survey
published in September 2000 showed that 81% of mobile phone
users between the ages of 15 and 24 were using their phone for
sending text messages, typically to co-ordinate their social lives, to
engage in language play, to flirt, or just to send a 'thinking of you'
message. Apparently, 37% of all messagers have used the service
to tell someone they love them. At the same time, reports suggest
that the service is being used for other purposes, such as sexual
harassment, school bullying, political rumour-mongering, and in-
teraction between drug dealers and clients.

The challenge of the small screen size and its limited character
space (about 160 characters), as well as the small keypad, has mo-
tivated the evolution of an even more abbreviated language than
emerged in chatgroups and virtual worlds (see also p. 84). Some
of the same abbreviations appear, either because of their 'obvi-
ous' rebus-like potential (e.g. NE1, 2day, B4, C Ul8r ['later'], and
Z ['said']) or because the generally youthful population of users
were familiar with Netspeak shorthand in its other situations (e.g.
Msg ['message'], BRB ['be right back']). Basic smileys (p. 36) are
also used. Capital letters can be given syllabic values, as in thN
['then'] and nEd ['need']. But the medium has motivated some
new forms (e.g. c%\ ['cool']) and its own range of direct-address
items, such as F2T ['free to talk?'], Mob ['mobile'], PCM ['please
call me'], MMYT ['Mail me your thoughts'], and RUOK ['are you
OK?'] . Multi-word sentences and sequences of response utterances,
especially of a stereotyped kind, can be reduced to a sequence of
initial letters: SWDYT ['So what do you think?'], BCBC ['Beggars
can't be choosers'] , BTDT ['Been there, done that'] , YYSSW ['Yeah,
yeah, sure, sure, whatever'], HHOJ ['Ha, ha, only joking']. Users
seem to be aware of the information value of consonants as



230 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

opposed to vowels, judging by such vowel-less items as TXT ['text']
and XLNT ['excellent']. The process saves a great deal of time and
energy (given the awkwardness of selecting letters on the small
keypad), and in those companies which still charge by the charac-
ter (as opposed to the whole message), there is an economic value
in abbreviation, too. In a creation such as ru2cnmel8r ['Are you two
seeing me later?'] , less than half the characters of the full form of the
sentence are used. Even more ingenious coded abbreviations have
been devised, especially among those for whom argot is a desirable
safeguard against unwelcome surveillance. 6

What is not clear is just how limiting this technology is, as a text
messaging system. There must be a serious limit to the amount of
information which can be conveyed using abbreviation, and a real
risk of ambiguity as soon as people try to go beyond a stock set of
social phrases. These constraints will become increasingly appar-
ent as people try to adapt the technology to grander designs, such
as Internet access. While it is possible in principle 7 to send e-mails
and download Web pages onto a WAP ['Wireless Application Pro-
tocol'] phone screen or the display of our personal digital assistant,
several questions are still not answered (or even asked, it sometimes
appears), such as: what do we lose, informationally speaking, when
a graphically elaborate text is reduced to such a scale? To what ex-
tent will perceptual constraints affect our ability to process linguis-
tic contrastivity? What kind of linguistic 'translation' needs to take
place in order to ensure that the sentence structures used on the
small screen are manageable and intelligible? It seems inevitable
that sentence length will tend to be short, and that certain types of
complex sentence structure (involving relative clauses, for instance)
will be avoided. If the loss or distortion of information is going to
be great, might this not have an effect on the desirability of the



The first small dictionaries of abbreviations began to appear in 2000, compiled by
Motorola, BT Cellnet (Genie), and others; for example, some 250 forms are listed in
the Genie SMS DXNRE ['dictionary']. As with all dictionaries of 'new words', it is likely
that only a small number of these neologisms will stand the test of time.
'In principle', because current WAP phones cannot access many Web sites, since they
operate on WML ['Wireless Markup Language'], whereas the current language of the
Web is HTML (see p. 205). The arrival of XML ['Extensible Markup Language'] should
remove this difficulty.



The linguistic future of the Internet 231

technology? Great claims have been made for its use in accessing e-
mail, booking tickets, receiving news, gambling, playing games, and
so on, but - to take just one example - how many text games will it
be possible to play? Having explored this possibility myself, on be-
half of an electronic publishing firm, the answers are not promising,
with rather simple-minded multiple-choice games pushing the sys-
tem to its limits. Doubtless, as the technology develops, a whole new
domain of restricted language will emerge, as people adapt their
messages to fit the screen, and make use of new software options. 8
But as I write, some commentators are already casting doubts on
the long-term future of WAP, despite its strengths. Ironically, be-
cause abbreviation saves time and money, the linguistic innovations
brought about by this technology are likely to outlast its demise.



Applied Internet linguistics

A further dimension to the linguistic variety promoted by the new
technologies relates to the content they carry. As with traditional
written expression, the medium will influence the general character
of the language to be used - whether it is information, education,
entertainment, edutainment, advertising, buying and selling, on-
screen guides, teletext services, or any other domain. Within these
broad categories, subject-related domains (science, religion, law,
etc.) will doubtless evolve computer-mediated varieties along sim-
ilar lines to those which emerged in traditional speech and writing.
I would also expect to see more specialized varieties, as organiza-
tions develop intranet systems and use them for their individual
purposes, such as conferences, brainstorming, voting, and in-house
editing. And I would expect to see a huge increase in the range of
'applied' varieties, as different professions gain more confidence in
computer-mediated technology, and start to develop its potential
for their individual purposes. The Internet has already begun to be
used in this way.



For example, a typical phone is able to predict likely words from the keystrokes entered,
using a stored list of 10,000 or more pre-programmed words.



232 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The various language professions have begun to take strides of
varying length, with respect to the different Internet situations, the
field of foreign language teaching taking the first and longest ones
(as has traditionally been the case in applied linguistics). Language
pathologists, literacy specialists, mother-tongue teachers, and oth-
ers have begun to sense the possibilities of the Internet as a medium
for motivating their populations (patients, reluctant readers, etc.),
and as a way of facilitating some of their clinical, remedial, or
educational tasks, at least with reference to reading and writing. 9
But it is in relation to foreign-language pedagogy that the most
searching discussions have taken place, along with some innova-
tive and effective practices relating to both teaching and learning.
This domain has long been involved in computer-assisted language
learning (CALL), but the Internet has provided a fresh dimension.
Mark Warschauer and Deborah Healey, in a state-of-the-art review
in 1998, sum it up in this way: 10

It is the rise of computer-mediated communication and the
Internet, more than anything else, which has reshaped the uses of
computers for language learning at the end of the 20th century
(Eastment 1996). With the advent of the Internet, the computer -
both in society and in the classroom - has been transformed from
a tool for information processing and display to a tool for
information processing and communication. For the first time,
learners of a language can now communicate inexpensively and
quickly with other learners or speakers of the target language all
over the world.

The reference is to David Eastment, who carried out a survey
on English-language teaching (ELT) in relation to the Internet,
on behalf of the British Council in 1996, 11 and who was in 'no



A typical forward-looking statement in the field of speech and language pathology and au-
diology is Masterson, Wynne, Kuster, and Stierwalt (1999). For references to educational
Web-based language projects generally, see Atwell (1999); and for projects in creative
writing, see Dorner (2000). For writing composition, see the papers in the special issue
(8:1) of the journal Written Communication (1991). A wide range of topics is covered in
the journal Literary and Linguistic Computing.

10 Warschauer and Healey (1998: 63).

1 ' Eastment (1999:1), the published version of a survey originally carried out for the British
Council's English 2000 project. See also Dudeney (2000).



The linguistic future of the Internet 233

doubt that the Internet . . . will eventually transform the way that
the teaching and learning of English, and the business of ELT is
conducted'.

Each of the five Netspeak situations reviewed in this book has
relevance. E-mail, to begin with, is a convenient medium which
gives students the experience of authentic writing tasks, in relation
to fellow-students, teachers, and native-speaker contacts. 12 It is now
widely incorporated into language teaching - in those parts of
the world where Internet access is routine - for a broad range of
purposes, such as 'domestic' exchanges on everyday topics, teacher
feedback on points of usage, exercises in business correspondence,
and collaborative research projects. It is even possible to have the
words of a text given an automatic grammatical parsing, using an
e-mail connection. 13 Additional textual and graphic material can be
sent through the use of attachments. An interesting example of the
way the medium has been adapted for a specific teaching purpose is
the 'language learning in tandem' approach, in which people with
different languages work together in pairs. Each participant sends
messages in the other person's language, and provides feedback
on problems of usage as they occur. The procedure also gives the
participants the chance to learn about each other's character and
culture, and exchange knowledge about their professional lives.
David Little and Helmut Brammerts summarize the aims of the
approach in this way: 14

to create, in the international computer network, the Internet, the
technical, organizational and didactic requirements for students of
the participating institutions - and eventually even more
universities - to work together across national boundaries in order
to learn languages from one another and to learn more about one
another's culture by learning in tandem.



12 See Kelm (1995) and Telia (1992), which also contains reference to two earlier projects
(Reports 95 and 99).

13 <amalgam-tagger@scs.leeds.ac.uk>.

14 Little and Brammerts (1996:19). The International E-Mail Tandem Network, with several
European universities participating, was set up to take forward this method of working.
Follow-up studies include Appel (1999) and Little, Ushioda, Appel, Moran, O'Rourke,
and Schwienhorst (1999).



234 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

The use of e-mail in this way certainly puts traditional methods of
contact in the shade. I recall in 1960, after a multinational work
experience in Europe, attempting to work in tandem with an Alge-
rian Arab friend - my English in exchange for his Arabic. It lasted
only a few weeks, simply because of the impracticability of the only
method then available to us - exchange by slow and expensive letter.
If e-mail had existed then . . .

Both of the main types of chatgroup interaction are used in
foreign-language teaching. Asynchronous situations, such as mail-
ing lists and newsgroups, have been found to facilitate teacher-
level discussion of issues, opportunities for student contact, and
teacher-student interaction, the latter settings soon taking on the
characteristics of a virtual classroom. The asynchronous context
gives students time to read, understand, and respond, without the
pressures of real-time interaction. But synchronous interaction is
also being used, both as a straightforward chatgroup and as a virtual
world. One chat procedure uses split-screen techniques, in which a
message from a student typed onto the bottom half of the screen is
seen by any other students involved in the exercise on the top half of
their screens, with messages listed in the order in which they are re-
ceived. While this procedure can take place in a local environment,
the Internet widens the options considerably 15 The educational
benefits already noted in chapter 5, where all the students were na-
tive speakers, are enhanced in a foreign-language-teaching context,
with students participating more evenly, and teachers exercising a
less dominant role. Logs of interactions can be saved for later study -
an extremely useful option for learners. The greater imaginative
content and authenticity of a virtual world, which can be tailored
to meet students' interests, can also be highly motivating. However,
the constraining effects of multi-person interaction on language,
such as shorter sentence length and uncertain turn-taking, have
yet to be fully investigated. Lively and authentic MUDs may be,



15 An example of a programme used for local area networks is Daedalus Interchange. For a
discussion with reference to virtual worlds, see Pinto (1996).



The linguistic future of the Internet 235

and an excellent medium for promoting rapid responses, but their
utterances represent only a small part of the grammatical repertoire
of a language.

Finally, the Web offers an unprecedented array of opportunities
for both students and teachers. Whatever complaints there may
have been in the past, over the lack of availability of 'authentic
materials', there must now be a general satisfaction that so much
genuine written data is readily available, with spoken data on the
horizon (see above). (Indeed, the pedagogical problem is now the
opposite - to evaluate and grade what is available, so that students
are not overwhelmed.) Another benefit is that the Web can put
learners in contact with up-to-date information about a language,
especially through the use of online dictionaries, usage guides, and
suchlike - though at present these are in limited supply, with prob-
lems of access fees and copyright still awaiting solution in many
instances. Web sites can provide a greater variety of materials, at-
tractively packaged, such as newspaper articles, quizzes, exercises,
self-assessment tasks, and other forms. As a publishing medium,
moreover, the Web offers unprecedented opportunities to students,
for both individual and collaborative work. 16 David Eastment es-
timated that (in 1999) there were a thousand ELT sites devoted to
language learning activities, resources, and materials. 17 At the same
time, he was firm about the need for caution:

A few ELT sites are worthwhile; but at the moment, they are few
and far between, and the learner, whether in class or studying
alone, would be better advised to concentrate on conventional ELT

materials At the time of writing, it is clear that a shelf of EFL

workbooks and coursebooks would offer far more in terms of
exercises, activities and ideas than the whole of the World Wide
Web.

The situation will change, but only after there has been much more
progress in the adaptation of materials, to the screen and in teacher
training. Eastment puts it this way: 18

16 See Bowers (1995). " Eastment (1999: 23-4). 18 Eastment (1999: 28).



236 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

Conventional CALL was difficult enough for many teachers. The
Web, for all its advantages, can be even more harrowing. What do
you do when the site around which you had planned your session
suddenly disappears? How can you keep your students learning
when the whole Internet slows to a crawl? How can you keep
control during an IRC [Internet Relay Chat] session? And what is
the best way of handling a student who covertly calls up the
Playboy site?

Teachers, he suggests, need to learn search-engine skills, ways of
evaluating Web pages, techniques for manipulating and creating
their own Web materials, and methods of integrating Web activities
with the rest of their teaching. And he adds a further point: 'Teachers
need to learn new languages' - by which he does not mean new
foreign languages, but the 'language of the Internet' - an essential
first step of familiarization with procedures and nomenclature.

The use of the Internet in foreign-language teaching may be
in its infancy, but it is plainly here to stay. Yet it already presents
teachers with fresh challenges. The difficulties noted in chapter 2,
arising out of the nature of the medium in conversation, apply
with greater force to foreign learners - the lack of intonational
cues, facial expressions, and so on. Also, teachers have to work out
ways of handling a new kind of difficulty - new, at least, in the
order of magnitude that it presents - namely, the fact that so much
of the native-speaker usage in chatgroups and virtual worlds is
non-standard, often ludic and highly deviant. The tolerance of ty-
pographical error, and the relaxation of the rules of spelling, punc-
tuation, and capitalization (p. 87), are not in themselves novelties
to learners, for the same flexibility doubtless exists in their own
mother-tongue Internet use. But foreign learners lack the intuitive
sense of the boundary between standard and non-standard, or a
sense of just how deviant a chatgroup usage might be, and by dint
of exposure to repeated instances they may well end up misusing
a construction, idiom, or other form. The bending and breaking
of rules, which is a hallmark of ludic linguistic behaviour, 19 always

19 Crystal (1998: ch. 1).



The linguistic future of the Internet 237

presents a problem to those who have not yet developed a confident
command of the rules perse. Ironically, learners can sometimes give
the impression that they are more fluent than they actually are, in
that their errors can superficially resemble the deviant forms flam-
boyantly manifested by chatgroup users.



Increasing the richness of language

Writers on the Internet struggle to find ways of expressing its un-
precedented impact. Here is John Naughton, continuing the vi-
sionary theme with which I introduced my Preface: 20

A force of unimaginable power - a Leviathan ... - is loose in our
world, and we are as yet barely aware of it. It is already changing
the way we communicate, work, trade, entertain and learn; soon it
will transform the ways we live and earn. Perhaps one day it will
even change the way we think. It will undermine established
industries and create new ones. It challenges traditional notions of
sovereignty, makes a mockery of national frontiers and
continental barriers and ignores cultural sensitivities. It accelerates
the rate of technological change to the point where even those
who are supposed to be riding the crest of the wave begin to
complain of 'change fatigue'.

Language being such a sensitive index of social change, it would
be surprising indeed if such a radically innovative phenomenon
did not have a corresponding impact on the way we communicate.
And so it can be argued. Language is at the heart of the Internet,
for Net activity is interactivity. 'The Net is really a system which
links together a vast number of computers and the people who use
them. 11 These are Naughton's words, and his italics. The Internet
is not just a technological fact; it is a social fact, as Berners-Lee has
insisted (p. vii); and its chief stock-in-trade is language.

What kind of impact might we expect a 'force of unimaginable
power' to make on language? We have seen, in the central chapters

20 Naughton (1999: 45). 21 Naughton (1999: 40).



238 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

of this book, a range of intriguingly new and still evolving linguistic
varieties, characterized by sets of specific adaptations, in graphol-
ogy, grammar, semantics, and discourse, to the properties of the
technology and the needs of the user. They suggest an answer to
the second of the two questions I raised in chapter 1 (p. 9): is the
Internet emerging as a homogenous linguistic medium or is it a col-
lection of distinct dialects? The latter, surely, is the case. Although
there are a few properties which different Internet situations seem
to share, these do not in aggregate make a very strong case for a
view of Netspeak as a variety. But if Netspeak is not a variety, what
is it? Is there anything at all to be said, if we step back from the
detail of these situations, and 'take a view' about Internet language
as a whole? The first question I asked on p. viii was whether the
'electronic revolution' was bringing about a linguistic revolution.
The evidence suggests that it is. The phenomenon of Netspeak is
going to 'change the way we think' about language in a fundamental
way, because it is a linguistic singularity - a genuine new medium.
At various places in this book, linguists, stylists, editors, and
other observers have groped for analogies to express what they find
in Internet language, and have failed. The kind of language which is
on the Internet in its different situations, though displaying some
similarities with other forms of communication, is fundamentally
different from them. Comparisons with note-taking, letter-writing,
amateur radio, citizens'-band radio, and all the other communica-
tive acts mentioned in earlier chapters prove to be singularly unillu-
minating. For Netspeak is something completely new. It is neither
'spoken writing' nor 'written speech'. As I argued in chapter 2, it is
something fundamentally different from both writing and speech,
as traditionally understood. It is, in short, a fourth medium. In lan-
guage studies, we are used to discussing issues in terms of 'speech
vs. writing vs. signing'. From now on we must add a further dimen-
sion to comparative enquiry: 'spoken language vs. written language
vs. sign language vs. computer-mediated language'. 22 Netspeak is a

22 A contrast is intended here with 'computer-mediated communication', which includes the
whole range of communicative expression (pictures, music, etc.), whether linguistically



The linguistic future of the Internet 239

development of millennial significance. A new medium of linguistic
communication does not arrive very often, in the history of the race.

As a new linguistic medium, Netspeak will doubtless grow in its
sociolinguistic and stylistic complexity to be comparable to that al-
ready known in traditional speech and writing. 23 But it is too soon
to be certain about the form these new varieties will take. Even the
ones identified in this book are somewhat tentative, in view of the
difficulties of researching them. Studies of Netspeak are in their
earliest stages. Part of the difficulty is finding extensive samples
of usable data, relating to each of the Internet situations. We saw
in earlier chapters how there is still a great deal of sensitivity over
using logs of chatgroups and virtual worlds, and the issue of e-mail
sampling has hardly been addressed. Uncertain copyright and pri-
vacy issues embattle the Web. Even when good data samples are ob-
tained, there are immense problems over displaying their discourse
structure, given the number of participants involved and the dif-
ficulties of monitoring turn-taking. 24 Each situation also presents
problems arising out of the transitional nature of the medium:
Netspeak is still in an early stage of its evolution, and generaliza-
tions are difficult to make. I am under no illusion, therefore, that
this book can only provide a somewhat blurred snapshot of how
things appeared at this particular point in time. 25

Another reason for the difficulty in predicting Internet language
development is the existence of so many conflicting trends and
pressures. The Net is an immensely empowering, individualistic,
creative medium, as can be seen from the numerous experimental
ways in which people use it. Writers are exploring new ways of



structured or not. Herring uses the phrase 'text-based CMC (Herring, 1996a: 1); Collot
and Belmore (1996) use 'electronic language'.
A conclusion also of Collot and Belmore (1996: 27).

An interesting attempt to display chatgroup conversational structure is Donath, Kara-
halios, and Viegas (1999). They use a system of chat circles, which grow in size depending
on how much text there is. The postings are shown for a few seconds, and then gradually
fade - as if in real-life conversation, where the focus is on the words of the person who
spoke last. They introduce a 'zone of hearing' which mimics the way a participant stays
with one conversation or switches between different conversations.
For other linguistic snapshots, and a similar plea for empirical research, see the intro-
duction and papers in Herring (1996a).



240 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

using the Web, such as by publishing work there in instalments,
collaborating in creative writing, and allowing users to influence
the direction in which a story goes. 26 Editors are producing collab-
orative critical editions of texts and oeuvres. 27 Digital artists are ex-
ploiting the graphic properties of the medium to produce pictorial
and pictographic works of 'ASCII art'. 28 There is evidence of a fresh
interest in the visual properties of letters and other symbols, and
in exploiting the potential of the software to present typograph-
ical variation. The creativity can be seen even in very restricted
linguistic domains of Net activity, such as naming. The apparently
straightforward issue of e-addresses has proved to be a world of con-
siderable complexity, because the enormous expansion of the Net,
and the limited number of 'ordinary words' available for names,
has forced individuals as well as companies to be highly creative
in their naming practices (p. 159). 29 The creativity, moreover, is
moving in unexpected directions. With so much emphasis on the
way the Net promotes global interaction and shared knowledge, it
comes as a surprise to note that increasing numbers of Net-users
do not want to interact globally or share information. On the con-
trary, they want to protect their knowledge, and their privacy. We
have already devised barriers to stop undesired interruptions in the
senior communication services - ex-directory telephone numbers,
for example. Attention is now being paid to developing similar
protective measures in Netspeak, such as filters for e-mail spam
(p. 53) and increasingly sophisticated measures of encryption. This
too has its linguistic dimension.

As I said in my Preface, I wrote this book because I wanted to
find out about the Internet and its effect on language, and could



See the hypertext journal of creative writing, Kairos <http://english.ttu.edu/kairos>; also

Deegan (2000: 7), Sutherland (1997).

For example, of Beowulf, Canterbury tales, Wittgenstein: see Deegan (2000: 8).

Several other artistic projects have explored new cyber-uses of language. For example,

Nick Crowe's 'New Medium' (2000) is a series of fifteen glass panels functioning as

memorial sites, each with a hand-engraved loving message to a deceased person. Alicia

Felberbaum's 'Textures of memory: the poetics of cloth' (2000) uses weaving to reflect

the evolving language of the Internet.

See Koizumi (2000), who advises companies looking for a name to avoid diacritics, long

names, and trendy contractions and spellings (cf. p. 22).



The linguistic future of the Internet 241

find none already written. It has proved to be an exploratory, pro-
grammatic work, in no way definitive. It suggests material for a
thousand theses. 30 But the sheer scale of the present Internet, let
alone its future telecosmic incarnations, has convinced me that we
are on the brink of the biggest language revolution ever. Whereas
in the past we have had speech, then writing, and throughout the
20th century debated the relationship between the two, now we
are faced with a new medium, and one which could be bigger than
either of its predecessors. What I have been calling Netspeak will
become part of a much larger computer-mediated language, which
in the digitally designed enhanced-bandwidth environment of the
future could be the community's linguistic norm. Whereas, at the
moment, face-to-face communication ranks as primary, in any ac-
count of the linguistic potentialities of humankind, in the future it
may not be so. In a statistical sense, we may one day communicate
with each other far more via computer mediation than in direct
interaction. The effects on what counts as 'normal' language acqui-
sition could be similarly profound. The social implications of this
are so mind-boggling that this linguist, for the moment, can only
ruminate ineffectively about them. Perhaps here there are grounds
for real concern.

But with respect to the kinds of neurosis expressed at the begin-
ning of chapter 1, I do not feel concern. I do not see the Internet
being the death of languages, but the reverse (p. 219). I view each of
the Netspeak situations as an area of huge potential enrichment for
individual languages. I cannot say anything systematic about what is
happening to languages other than English, but casual observation
of non-English sites suggests that other languages are evolving in
the computer-mediated setting in analogous ways. 31 The English
experience, as illustrated in earlier chapters, and despite the still
emerging nature of the language in each case, is one of remarkable



To take just one field: the acquisition of Netspeak. How do people - adults and children
alike - go about acquiring proficiency, or even competence, in the situations I have
described? Longitudinal and comparative studies are conspicuous by their absence. A
comparative perspective (between novice users of IRC and young children using the
phone) does however motivate Gillen and Goddard (2000).
Both French and English data are included in Werry (1996).



242 LANGUAGE AND THE INTERNET

diversity and creativity. There is no indication, in any of the areas
I have examined, of Netspeak replacing or threatening already ex-
isting varieties. On the contrary, the arrival of new, informal, even
bizarre forms of language extends the range of our sensitivity to
linguistic contrasts. 32 Formal language, and other kinds of informal
language, are seen in a new light, by virtue of the existence of Nets-
peak. An analogy with clothing helps make this point. I remember
once owning a very formal shirt and another I used for informal
occasions. Then I was given a grotesque creation that I was assured
was the latest cool trend in informality; and certainly, the effect was
to make my previously informal shirt look really somewhat staid.
The new shirt had not destroyed my sense of the value of a formal
vs. informal contrast in dress behaviour; it simply extended it. I was
sartorially enriched, with more options available to me. I see the
arrival of Netspeak as similarly enriching the range of communica-
tive options available to us. And the Internet is going to record this
linguistic diversity more fully and accurately than was ever possible
before.

What is truly remarkable is that so many people have learned
so quickly to adapt their language to meet the demands of the
new situations, and to exploit the potential of the new medium
so creatively to form new areas of expression. It has all happened
within a few decades. The human linguistic faculty seems to be in
good shape, I conclude. The arrival of Netspeak is showing us homo
loquens at its best.

32 The point is beginning to be recognized. John Cumming (1995: 7) quotes a US columnist,
Jon Carroll: 'E-mail and computer conferencing is teaching an entire generation about the
flexibility and utility of prose.' Li Lan (2000: 55) answers his question, email: a challenge
to Standard English?' in the negative: 'E-mail style may not therefore directly challenge
Standard English, but seems likely to extend it in a variety of ways.'



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Index of authors



The alphabetical order of this index is letter-by-letter.



Adams, Douglas, 227

Adams, Lin, 137, 167

Ahn,D.,127

Aijmer, Karin, 192

Akayev, President, 216

Alexander VI, Pope, 2

Altenberg, Bengt, 192

Alvarez- Caccamo, Celso, 48

Angell, David, 97, 106, 112, 124, 125, 127

Appel, Marie Christine, 233

Aspnes, Jim, 172

Attwell, Eric, 225, 232

Baron, Naomi S., 17, 30, 38, 48, 56, 89, 126,

127, 128
Bartle, Richard, 172
Batagelj, Zenel, 220
Bateson, Gregory, 119
Bateson, Mary Catherine, 36
Bauer, Laurie, 82
Baym, Nancy K., 17, 147
Bechar- Israeli, Haya, 157, 160-1
Belmore, Nancy, 17, 25, 125, 239
Ben Ze'ev, Aaron, 169
Berners-Lee, Tim, vii, 13, 195, 203, 204,

209,211,222,223,237
Biber, Douglas, 25, 73
Bolter, Jay David, 137, 202
Borgman, Christine L., 215
Bourbonnais, Jean, 222
Bowers, R., 235
Brammerts, Helmut, 233
Branwyn, Gareth, 67, 80
Brewer, Jeutonne P., 15-16, 25, 47, 133,

135-8, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147,

150, 169
Bright, William, 222
Brookes, Terrence A., 213-14



Bruckman, Amy, 167
Brunner, H., 17, 25
Burgess, Anthony, 193
Butcher, Judith, 74

Chambers, Tyler, 221

Cherny, Lynn, 15-16, 31, 52, 55, 167, 171,

174-94
Chirac, Jacques, 1
Churchill, Elizabeth, 137, 167
Coates, Jennifer, 167
Cohen, Neil, 22

Collot, Milena, 17, 25, 125, 239
Condron, Frances, 196, 222
Connery, Brian A., 38
Conrad, Susan, 73
Cotton, Bob, 220, 225, 226
Coupland, Justine, 147
Coupland, Nikolas, 147
Cowan, Andrew, 171
Crowe, Nick, 240
Crystal, David, 6, 7, 20, 21, 25-6, 35, 55,

58, 63, 78, 89, 90, 109, 142, 147, 157,

182, 189, 193, 196,210,216
Cumming, John D., 48, 242

Daniels, Peter T., 222
Danielson, Peter, 124
Davis, Boyd H., 15-16, 25, 47, 133, 135-8,

142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 150, 169
Davy, Derek, 6, 7, 25, 58, 89, 109,

157, 193
Deegan, Marilyn, 48, 240
Dery, Mark, 34, 36, 176
Dibbell, Julian, 176
Donath, Judith, 239
Dorner, Jane, 212, 232
Dudeney, Gavin, 232



253



254



Index of authors



Dunbar, Robin, 169
Durusau, Patrick, 50

Eastment, David, 232-3, 235
Elmer-Dewitt, Philip, 25
Erickson, Jim, 1, 216
Erickson, Thomas, 44

Felberbaum, Alicia, 240

Ferrara, K., 17, 25

Finegan, Edward, 73

Flynn, Nancy, 97, 98, 108, 117, 127

Flynn, Tom, 97, 98, 108, 117, 127

Foster, Derek, 6, 59

Gains, J., 101-2, 103

Garrett, Malcolm, 220, 225, 226

Gates, Bill, 21

Gilder, George, 225

Giles, C. Lee, 195

Giles, Howard, 147

Gillen, Julia, 141, 155, 241

Goddard, Angela, 141, 155, 241

Goffrnan, Erving, 16

Goodman, Robert E, 169

Gore, Al, 216

Graddol, David, 218

Graham, Garth, 59

Grangier, Marcel, 221

Greenbaum, Sidney, 89, 147

Grice, H. P., 48-9, 56, 120, 132, 170

Gurak, Laura, J. 17

Gutenberg, Johannes, 2

Hahn, Harley, 171

Hale, Constance, 13, 22, 25, 65, 69, 74-5,

84, 125, 128, 200, 204
Hall, Edward T, 36
Halliday, Michael, 144
Hatch, Evelyn, 125
Hayes, Alfred S„ 36
Healey, Deborah, 232
Herring, Susan C, 142, 144, 147-8, 157,

159, 162-3, 167, 169, 239
Heslop, Brent, 97, 106, 112, 124,

125, 127
Hirschfeld, Bob, 213

Ihnatko, Andy, 18, 29, 60, 66, 80, 89, 224
Iro, Mizuko, 177



Jackson, Michele H„ 202, 203
Johansson, Stig, 73, 94
Johnson, Samuel, 64

Karahalios, Karrie, 239
Katzman, Sandra Lee, 38, 167
Keegan, Martin, 171
Kelm, O., 233
King, Stephen, 215
Knowles, Elizabeth, 21
Koizumi, Yuiko, 22, 240
Kovacs, Diane, 129
Kuster, Judith M., 232

Lakoff, Robin, 167

Lamb, Linda, 97

Lawrence, Steve, 195

Lebert, Marie-France, 218, 221

Lee, Pamela Anderson, 89

Leech, Geoffrey, 73, 89, 147

Levinson, Stephen C, 49

Li Lan, 98, 101-2, 103, 220, 242

Little, David, 233

Li Yongyan, 220

Lozar, Katja, 220

Mabry, Edward A., 119, 120
McCawley, James D., 52
McCormick, J. W., 124
McCormick, N. B„ 124
McGoohan, Patrick, 228
McLaughlin, M. L., 71
McLuhan, Marshall, 6
Malinowski, Bronislaw, 168
Marvin, Lee-Ellen, 29, 30, 54-5
Masterson, Julie J., 232
Maynor, Nancy, 1 7
Mbeki, Thabo, vii
Metcalfe, Robert M„ 220
Mikami, Yoshi, 218
Millard, William B., 17, 25, 41, 56
Miller, George A., 137
Milroy, James, 63
Milroy, Leslie, 63
Moran, John, 233
Murray, Denise E., 33

Naughton, John, vii, 4, 10, 14,

125,237
Nunberg, Geoff, 219



Index of authors



255



O'Rourke, Breffni, 233
Orwell, George, 17, 72
Osborne, K. K„ 71



Stubbs, Michael, 33
Sutherland, Kathryn, 240
Svartvik, Jan, 89, 147



Paccagnella, Luciano, 193

Paolillo, John, 23, 157, 166

Peek, Jerry D., 97

Pensjo, Lars, 172

Peters, Pam, 66

Pinto, D„ 234

Porter, David, 62, 170, 189

Pring, Roger, 46, 199, 201, 205

Pullum, Geoffrey K., 52

Quirk, Randolph, 35, 89, 147

Rheingold, Howard, 59, 151, 171

Sanderson, David, 36-8

Saville-Troike, Muriel, 32

Scanlon, Jessie, 13, 22, 25, 65, 69, 74-5, 84,

125, 128, 200, 204
Schwienhorst, Klaus, 233
Sebeok, Thomas A., 36
Selinker, Larry, 205
Shaw, George Bernard, 164
Shea, Virginia, 71
Simpson, Homer, 125
Slater, Lydia, 1
Smith, C. B., 71
Specter, Michael, 217
Spivak, Michael, 183
Standage, Tom, 2
Steinberg, Steve G., 84
Stierwalt, Julie A. G., 232
Stivale, Charles J., 54
Stoppard, Tom, 143



Takahashi, Tomoko, 213
Tannen, Deborah, 32, 167
Telia, Seppo, 233
Thomas, David, 72
Thomas, Ned, 221
Thompson, P. A., 127
Tomlinson, Ray, 2 1
Toomey, Lori, 137, 167
Trubshaw, Roy, 172
Twyman, Michael, 47, 196

Ushioda, Ema, 233

Vehovar, Vasja, 220
Viegas, Fernanda, 239

Wallace, Patricia, 13, 16, 39, 40, 51, 55, 58,
59, 62, 104-5, 119, 124, 126, 166,
167, 169

Walther, J. B„ 169

Warhol, Andy, 215

Warschauer, Mark, 232

Werry, Christopher C, 151, 157, 162, 164,
166,241

White, Stephen, 174

Whittemore, G., 17, 25

Wilbur, Shawn T, 4, 59

William of Occam, 203

Witmer, Diane E, 38, 167

Wynne, Michael K., 232

Yates, Simeon J., 94, 131
Yergeau, Francois, 222



Index of topics



The alphabetical arrangement of this index is word-by- word.



abbreviations, 127, 147

in Netspeak, 34, 38, 39, 41, 81, 84-6,
106, 122, 156, 164, 165, 185

in searching, 215

in texting, 229-3 1
accents (diacritics), 222
accents (speech), 2, 147, 228
acceptability, 7
access devices, 225
accommodation, 147, 188
acknowledgements in e-mails, 113
acronyms see abbreviations
addicted to the Internet, 4-5
address conventions, 77
adjacency-pairs, 33, 100, 148, 158

illusion of, 142
Advanced Dungeons and Dragons,

173
advertising, 21,89

in chatgroups, 132, 133, 168

in e-mails, 98, 99, 122-3

on the Web, 196-7
ALFIE, 210, 215
Alis Technologies, 216
alphabets, 222
AltaVista, 218

amateur radio, 50
ambiguity, 32, 35-9, 49, 57, 89, 111-12,
183

in emoting, 185

in nicknames, 161

in responding to questions, 123

in spamming, 54

in texting, 230

international, 127

of silence, 159
American attitudes to silence, 32
American Dialect Society, 21



American English see English
American Heritage Dictionary, 66
ampersand, 214
anaphora

in chatgroup messages, 143

in e-mails, 113
angle brackets, 35, 39, 90, 91, 96, 97

marking e-mail lines, 115-20

marking nicknames, 163
Anglo-Saxon, 84
animated text, 46, 196, 201
anonymity, 39, 48, 50, 55, 130, 133, 166-7,

170, 191-4,227-8
anonymizers, 50
apostrophes, 164, 214
applied Internet linguistics, 231-7
appropriateness, 72, 94, 228
Arabic, 222, 234
arches, 175

archiving, 45, 105, 133, 196, 219
argot, 230

arrows (expressing location), 90
articles (in chatgroups), 133
artists against corporate language, 213
Arts and Humanities Data Service, 196
ASCII

art, 104, 240

symbols, 190, 222
Asiaweek, 1
asterisks, 90

expressing prosody, 35, 87, 90

expressing unacceptability, 100, 164

hiding expletives, 71

in character notes, 104

in chatgroups, 154, 158, 163-4

names used, 89

triple, 154, 158, 163

visual effect, 124



256



Index of topics



257



asynchronous vs synchronous situations,
11-12, 129, 141, 167,226

in language teaching, 234-5

in virtual worlds, 191

see also chatgroups
af(@),21,83, 96

attachments, 11, 95-6, 105, 110, 233
audience awareness, 18, 77, 108, 204, 206
audio files, 124
audiology, 232
authentic materials, 235
authorship, 206-8
auto-greet, 154
automated elements in e-mails, 99-100,

105, 109
automatic document classification, 211
avatars, 12, 175

Babel, 216
Babel fish, 227
back-channelling, 143
bandwidth, 75, 225, 241
banning

from chatgroups, 152

Web sites, 206
BBC, 228

News Online, 201
Bible translation, 2
bibliography, 202
bicapitalization, 87-8
blackholing, 54
blends, 83

blind carbon copy, 96
block language, 89
body content

of chatgroups, 144

of e-mails, 95, 99, 107-24
body language, 36, 162
boldface, 87, 110
bonk, 54

books, compared with chatgroups, 135-6
-bot, 83

bouncing back, 96-7
boundaries of electronic texts, 48
boundary markers in e-mails, 105
brainstorming, 58
branching structures, 197
brevity, 49, 57, 98, 134, 156, 187, 200
brief history of the future, A, vii, 14
British attitudes to silence, 32



British Council, 232
British Library, 196,198
broadcasting, 2, 123, 135, 162, 181,

193,225
browsers, 198, 226-7
bulletin boards, 11-12, 129
bullets, 110, 124
bullying, 127
business correspondence, 105-6, 109-12,

118, 124,233

C, 173

cable technology, 225

CALL see computer- assisted language

learning
calligraphy, 195
Cambridge biographical encyclopedia, The,

207
Cambridge encyclopedia of the English

language, The, 25
camera, 226
capitalization, 195

avoidance, 75, 80, 123-4, 164-5, 236

expressing 'shouting', 35, 73, 87

in e-mail greetings, 101

in house-style, 76

in junk-mail, 97-8

in Netspeak, 87

normalizing, 214

of Internet, 3

syllabic, 229

to express prosody, 34
captions, TV, 89
carbon copy see copy
caret, 90
Carpal Tunnel Syndrome Feature Objects,

188
case (grammar), 165
case-sensitivity, 87, 215
cc see copy
Cellnet, 230
censorship, 2, 133, 206
censorware, 211
channels (IRC), 151, 163
character limitations

in e-mail, 98

in phone screens, 229

on the Web, 222
character note, 104—5
characters (in MUDs), 174-6



258



Index of topics



chat circles, 239

chatgroups, 3, 11-12, 15, 29-33, 35, 71,
129-70, 206, 226

abbreviations, 81, 84-6

anonymity, 50-1, 166-7

asynchronous, 11-12, 31, 44, 100, 120,
130-51, 155, 159,239

body content, 137-8, 141-2, 144

closeness to speech and writing, 41-7

compared with books, 135-6

compared with e-mails, 129-30, 139

compared with virtual worlds, 172,
175-7, 179-80, 183, 187

farewells, 143-4, 154-5

flaming, 55-6

framing, 119-20

greetings, 140-2, 154-5

idiosyncrasy, 60

in language teaching, 234

languages used, 219

lurking, 53

membership, 129

message length, 134, 144-6, 156-7, 167

non-standard language, 88, 165, 236-7

on the Web, 204

paragraphs, 156

punctuation, 89

purpose, 167-70

saving keystrokes, 87

smileys used, 39, 164

standard English used, 79

synchronous, 11-12, 31, 44, 57, 130, 145,
146, 149, 151-67

syntax, 40, 91

terminology, 129

topics, 137-40, 146-7, 151-2

topic-shifting, 58, 71-2, 142, 146-7,
162-3

topography, 137

trolling, 52

typography, 87

usefulness, 149-50

variation, 131-2, 144, 165
Chatnet, 154

chatrooms see chatgroups
children's language development, 128
Chinese, 21, 222
Cirth, 219
citation, 202
clarity, 2, 58, 79, 98, 110-11, 206



classroom, virtual, 234
cliche, 108
closings see farewells
CMC see computer-mediated

communication
code-switching, 166, 220
coherence

of chatgroups, 157-9, 168-70

of e-mails, 112-13, 120-1

of virtual worlds, 183
colloquialism, 41, 75, 79, 122, 164-5, 182,

186
colour, 46, 124, 165, 196, 201-2, 205
columns on screen, 205
.com, 20

combining forms, 83
commas, repeated, 89
comment clauses, 40
commentary, 181, 185, 193
common core, 62-93
communication, types of, 125
communications technology, vii, 2, 5, 10,
174,225

asymmetry, 110

familiarity, 145, 148-9

limitations, 47, 228-31

medium, 74-6, 134

options, 196

rhythm, 3 1

trends, 223-42
communicative competence, 57
community, 17, 59, 169-70, 189
componential analysis, 210
compose screens, 95
composition

joint, 48

written, 232
compound words, 75, 80, 86-7, 165
computer-assisted language learning, 232
computer-mediated communication, 17,
30, 59, 159, 200, 232

weirdness, 48
computer-mediated language, 238-9
computer networks, 2-3
computer science, 8 1
concord, 165
concreteness, 98

conferences (WELL), 129, 131, 133
confidentiality, 105, 109
conformity of style, 124



Index of topics



259



consonants in texting, 230

Contact, 22 1

contact languages, 48

content, Internet/Web, 206-10, 231

censorship, 211

is free, 207
context in searching, 214
continuum, communicative, 30, 48
contracted forms, 122, 164, 185, 240
conventional media, 18
conversation, 125, 170, 239

informal, 58, 191

maxims, 48-61, 79, 98, 170

moderating, 72

monosyllabicity, 157

multi-party see chatgroups

turns, 33-4, 145, 148

unpredictability, 146
conversion, 84, 182
co-operativeness (in language), 49-60, 184,

186
Copenhagen University, 173
copy (of an e-mail), 96-7, 109
copy-editing, 74, 76, 207
copyright, 44, 206-7, 235, 239
corpus of data, 73, 192

chatgroups, 131

e-mails, 94

Web, 208
correctness, 63, 228

pronunciation, 2
courtesy copy see copy
crackers, 67, 69
creative writing, 232, 240
creativity, 2, 67, 75, 78, 170, 179, 240-2
cultural differences, 32, 55, 76, 101, 103,

106, 206, 222
cut-and-paste, 119-22, 203
cyber-, 83
cyberspace, 3, 60
cyberspeak, 17
Cyberspeak, 66
Czech, 217

Daedalus Interchange, 234
Daily Express, 157
DALnet, 152
Danish, 217
dashes, 214
data services, 196



databases, 198, 223

date conventions, 76, 127

dead links, 202, 224

Dear (in e-mails), 101-2

delays in communication, 31-3, 100

deleted folder, 100, 127

deletion of text, 44

delivery systems, 225

descriptive approach, 63-5, 73

design see graphic design

desk-top publishing, 46

diachronic character of the Web, 208-9

diacritics, 222, 240

Dialectizer, The, 79

dialectology, Internet, 60

dialects, 2, 6, 147, 207

command, 165

occupational, 60, 188

regional, 79
dialogue, 48, 112, 115, 125, 134, 148
dictionaries, 210, 219

jargon, 66-70

online, 212, 235

smiley, 36

texting, 230
Dictionary of the English language, A, 64
digital

art, 240

cameras, 226

citizens, 6
Digital Freedom Network, 211
DikuMUDs, 173
direct speech, 157, 182, 185-7
directories in chatgroups, 136
disambiguation, 36-8
discourse

analysis, 33

community, 17

features, 8, 92, 143, 161-2, 180, 183, 197

stratagems, 183

structure, 94, 168, 239

type, 6
discussion groups see chatgroups
dissemination of electronic texts, 48
domain names, 20, 87, 94
dot, 20, 83
dot com, 20, 22
downloading, 47
DragonMUCKs, 173
DTV, 228



260



Index of topics



Dungeons and Dragons™, 171-2
Dutch, 19, 217, 219

dynamic character of Netspeak, 44, 109,
121, 145, 157,201

e- (as prefix), 21, 83
E- (as prefix), 83
e-conferences, 129
Economist, The, 1, 22
economy

in spelling, 88

of expression, 187
ecosystem, 59
editing, 170, 207

of broadcast recordings, 122

of chatgroup messages, 133, 149

of e-mails, 111, 121-2, 128

of newspaper copy, 122

of virtual- world logs, 191

of Web pages (or lack of it), 207
editors, 133, 240
educational settings, 232

e-mail used, 128

virtual worlds used, 172
Efnet, 152
electronic

dialogue, 25

discourse/language, 17, 239

mail see e-mail

medium, 24, 48

revolution, viii, 5
Electronic Text Center, 196
elision, 164
ellipsis

dots, 89

in sentences, 113, 122
ElseMOO, 15-16, 174, 176, 182, 184, 186,

187, 189-90
Elvish, 219

e-mail, 3, 10-11, 29, 31-2, 94-128, 203,
226, 239

abbreviations, 84-6

addresses, 35, 95, 97, 159, 201

anonymity, 50

as a contact language, 48

automated elements, 99-100, 104

body content, 95, 99, 107-25

cheapness, 125-6

closeness to speech and writing, 41-7

coherence, 112-13

compared with chatgroups, 129-30, 139



compared with virtual worlds, 184

copies, 96-7

dialogues, 35

discourse structure, 94-124

dynamic nature, 44

editing, 111, 121-2

employment regulations, 127

etiquette, 72-3

farewells, 99, 102-6, 125

flaming, 56

framing, 119-21

functions, 58, 107, 125-8

graphology, 123-4

greetings, 99-102, 106, 125

headers, 95-9, 125

hyphenation, 97

in language teaching, 233-4

length, 113-15

limitations, 126-7

message history, 117

on the Web, 204

on WAP-phones, 230

permanence, 121

printing out, 117

punctuation, 89, 124, 128

purpose, 94, 125-8

saving keystrokes, 87

smileys used, 38-9, 124

spelling, 88, 123

standard English used, 79, 242

style recommendations, 74, 77, 97,
104-12, 127-8,213

subject-matter, 126-7, 137

syntax, 40

typography, 87, 97, 123, 140

uniqueness, 125-8

user totals, 94

variation, 106-7, 128

variety status, 122
emoticon, 83
emoticons see smileys
emoting, 36, 180-91
emphasis, expression of, 34-5,

90,98
-en, 84

encryption, 50, 240
encyclopedic classification, 210
endangered languages, 219-20
English

American vs other, 63, 76, 88

Chinese, 220



Index of topics



261



global, 227

influence on other languages, 19

language teaching, 232-7

on the Web, 216-22

standard, 78-9, 111, 186

2000, 232

usage, 63-4
English Today, 66
erase sequence, 90-1
error messages, 82
essays, 130, 148
Essex, University of, 172
Ethernet, 220
ethical issues, 71
ethnography, 194
Ethnologue, 219
etiquette see netiquette
etymology, 53-4
euphemisms, 71
European Bureau of Lesser Used

Languages, 221
evolution, 169

exchanges, 112-13, 154, 157-9, 169
exclamation mark, 89

expressing negation, 90

expressing priority, 96

in chatgroup messages, 164

in e-mail greetings, 101
exclusivity of usage, 189
executive summaries, 108, 109-10
expert systems, 225
expletives, 71

Extensible Markup Language see XML
eye warily, 182

facemail/facetime, 29
face-to-face conversation, 29-31,
34,39,51, 126, 135, 142,
145-7, 152, 162, 185, 186, 191,
241
facial expressions, 36, 38, 236
factual content of Netspeak, 46
fancy graphics, 47
fantasy games see virtual worlds
FAQs, 71, 131, 166,204
farewells

in chatgroups, 143-4, 154-5

in e-mails, 99, 102-6, 125
faxes, 39, 226
feedback

in chatgroups, 143, 149, 165



in e-mails, 113

in virtual worlds, 182, 184

simultaneous, 30-1, 41

visual, 26, 46
female vs. male speech, 166-7
film, 46
filtering, 97, 98, 133, 140

of Web pages, 211
Finnish, 217
flame filters, 57
flaming, 17, 37-8, 45, 55-7, 62, 71, 108,

120, 133, 167, 168, 175
flashing (of text), 196
floor-granting, 145, 148, 184
fluidity of electronic texts, 48
Foil the Filters contest, 211
fonts, 87, 201,219, 222
footnotes, 202
foregrounding, 183
foreign language teaching, 232
foreigners, 60
forgery, 44, 207
formality, 64, 77, 79, 101-2, 107, 113,

186, 207, 242
formating, 110, 114, 117, 122
formulae

in chatgroups, 138, 143,
157, 163

in e-mails, 102-3, 106
forwarding, 98, 105, 109, 121

line length and, 110
frame (in linguistics), 119
framing, 118-21

perceptual, 119
freedom of expression, 132, 206
French, 1, 164, 167, 214, 215, 217, 218,

219,241
frequency criteria in searching, 210-1 1
frequently asked questions see FAQs
f2f, 29

function word omission, 188
functionality, 201
FuroticaMUCKs, 173
FurryMUCKs, 173

gagging, 71, 176
Galaxynet, 154, 156
game masters, 171
geeks, 16, 25, 75
gender

neutral forms, 183



262



Index of topics



gender {cont.)

online, 51, 166-7

specific forms, 106
Genie, 230

genres, 6, 92, 173, 198
German, 21, 217, 218, 219
gestures, 36
global medium, 24
Global Reach, 218
global village, 5-6, 59
globalization, 2, 76, 227, 240
gods, 175
gossip, 168-9, 186
graffiti, 58
grammar, 108, 165, 195

checkers, 67,212

non-standard, 165

punctuation used, 89

shibboleths, 63-4, 108
grammatical

features, 8, 40-1, 91-2

parsing, 233

words, 215
graphic

accents, 167

design, 44, 46-7, 195, 199, 205, 230

features, 7-8, 26, 46-7, 124, 195-7

translatability, 47
graphics files, 124
graphology, 8, 19, 87-91, 123-4,
195, 223

dynamic, 201

variation, 214
greetings

automatic, 154

in chatgroups, 140-2, 154-5

in e-mails, 99-102, 125
groups (Usenet) see newsgroups
guests, 60, 176
guidelines see style manuals

hacker ethic, 69
hackers, 67-70, 83-4, 90-3
handwriting, 195-6
recognition, 226
harassment, 51, 54, 127, 168, 176, 229
hardware terminology, 82
hash mark, 89
header wars, 95
headers, 95-9, 109, 111, 125
headings on Web pages, 205



hello sequences, 141

helplines, 131

heraldry, 215

highlighting, 208

Hindi, 166, 222

holography, 226

homo loquens, 242

hosts, 3, 133

hot spots, 197

HTML, 35, 69, 91, 123, 198, 205, 230

HTTP see Hyper Text Transfer Protocol

Human Languages Page, 219

humour, 36, 127, 147, 182

Hungarian, 2 1

hyper-, 83

hyperpersonal community, 169

hypertext, 202-4

links, 46, 114, 124, 197, 201-4
HyperText Transfer Protocol, 13, 216
hyphenation, 75, 80, 165

for visual effect, 124

in e-addresses, 97

normalizing, 214

repeated, 89

unifying words, 214

/, use of, 147

-icon, 83

ID see identification of sender

ideation, 58

ideational component, 144

identification of sender (in e-mails),

102-3
identity

hacker, 68

of people online, 51, 59-60, 105, 150,

160, 165-6, 189

of Netspeak as a medium, 6, 62-93
idioms, 8
idiosyncrasy, linguistic, 60, 111, 139, 147,

161, 189,207
idling, 53
illegibility, 46

imaginary subject-matter, 171

impoliteness, 1

impression formation, 16, 40, 104

impressionism, 73-4

imps, 175

inbox, 96

incaps, 87-8

incompatibility, 190-1



Index of topics



263



inconsistency, 75
indention, 115
Independent, The, 72-3
indexes, 45, 203

to chat messages, 134, 137
indirect speech, 187
inference languages, 222-3
infixation, 83
informality, 40-1, 64, 77, 101-2, 107, 111,

122, 127-8, 242
information

exchange, 168

overload, 209

retrieval, 203, 210-11, 213-15

superhighway, 3

value of letters, 229-30
informativeness, 49, 203
initialisms, 103, 156

institutional e-mails, 100-1, 103, 110, 114
instructional language, 181
intelligibility, 2, 7, 17, 110-13, 230
interactive

television, 204

Web pages, 207-8

written discourse, 17, 25
Interactive Language Resources Guide, 219
interactivity, 9, 14, 18, 24, 29, 40, 72, 109,
220, 226, 228, 237

chatgroups, 153-4, 168-70

multiparty, 153-4

non-linear, 136

virtual worlds, 172, 175, 187

Web, 202-4
intercaps, 87-8
interest (in subject-matter), 7
interjections, 164
interlanguage, 205
International E-Mail Tandem Network,

233
Internet

addiction, 4-5

addresses, 240

capitalization, 3

characterization, 2-3

globalization, 216

identity, 62-94

linguistic future, 216-42

linguistics, 231-7

nature of the medium, 24-61, 166, 198,
236-9

penetrating a country, 220



situations, 6-17

speech used, 9, 226
Internet Corporation for Assigned Names

and Numbers, 20
Internet Detective, 209
Internet Protocol, 13
Internet Relay Chat, 11, 129, 151-2,

154-67, 177,219,236,241
Internet Society, 94, 216
interpersonal

community, 169

component, 144
interrupted linearity, 196
interruptions, 145, 152-3, 158, 184
intertextuality, 202
interviews, 125, 135
intonation, 34, 38, 236
intranets, 3, 231
inverted pyramid style, 109-10
IRC see Internet Relay Chat
IRCnet, 152
irony, 36, 91, 127, 182
irreverence, 75
ISDN, 225
isocybes, 189
isoglosses, 189
it, use of, 147

Italian, 19,21,214,217,219
italics, 76, 87, 110

Japanese (language), 217, 218
Japanese attitudes to silence, 32
Japanese Patent Bureau, 22
jargon, 25, 67-70, 75, 81, 83-4, 89, 147,

165, 189
translation, 223
Jargon File, 67-70
Jargon watch, 67-8
Joint Photographic Experts Group,

226
Journal of Computer-Mediated

Communication, viii
journalism, 122, 157
JPEG, 226

junk-mail, 10, 54, 77, 97, 99, 103
Jupiter Media Matrix, 218

fc-as emphatic prefix, 88-9
Kairos, 240

keyboard properties, 24-5
keypads, 229-30



264



Index of topics



keystrokes, 80

saving, 87
keywords, 211
kinesics, 36, 39, 51
Klingon, 219

knowledge on the Web, 209, 240
Korean, 222

lag, 31-4, 47, 134, 155-7, 176
lagometer, 176
LambdaMOO, 174, 176
language

change, 75, 80, 91-2, 189, 208, 214

education, 128

endangered, 219-20, 241

learning, 205, 227, 232-7

learning in tandem, 233-4

minority, 219-21

numbers on the Web, 216-23

pathology, 232

play, 20-1, 41, 54, 67, 70, 75, 78, 84, 138,
155, 161, 165, 168, 182, 189-90, 209,
229, 236

teaching, 232-7

variety see varieties of language
Language International, 22
Languages on the Web, 219
Latin, 8

alphabet, 222
layout, 126, 199
LeSoir, 219
leeguage, 89
legal

language, 8, 18, 89

status of e-mails, 126-7
legibility, 110, 199,201
letters (alphabetical)

combined with numbers, 84, 164

repeated, 34

spaced, 35
letter-writing, 15, 39, 72, 102, 125-6, 130,
148, 170

formal vs informal, 90

personality and, 121
lexical features, 8, 19, 21-2, 67-70, 142,
195

of Netspeak, 81-6

of Web searching, 210
Lexical Filter Internet Enquirer, 210



lexicography, 66

comparative, 223
libel, 127, 206

Library of Congress, 196, 198
line

breaks, 97, 196

length on screen, 110, 114, 145, 187, 205

nickname-initiated, 163
linear text, 196-7
linearity of discourse, 136
lingua franca, 227
LINGUIST, 131, 133, 144
linguistic perspective, 1-24
linguistics, 52, 79, 131, 133, 210, 220, 223
link rot, 202; see also hypertext
Lion King MUCK, 173
LISP, 92

list-owners, 130, 133
lists, 197

LISTSERV, 12, 131-2, 134
literacy, 2, 232
literary allusions, 182
Literary and Linguistic Computing, 232
localization, 223
logos in e-mails, 104
logs, 45, 133, 153, 191, 194, 234, 239
Lord's Prayer, 219
'losing' convention, 149, 184
loudness variation, 34
lower-case see case-sensitivity
LPC, 172
LPMUDs, 172

ludic language see language, play
lurking, 53
lying, 39, 49, 51

machine translation, 221, 227-8
MAGEs, 173
mailbomb, 54

mailing list, 12, 129, 191,234
maintainers, 133
Malay, 217

male vs female speech, 167
manner, maxim of, 49, 56-8
manners online see netiquette
marginalia, 208
matrices, 197

Matrix Information and Directory
Services, 94



Index of topics



265



maxims of communication, 48-61, 79, 98,

132, 170
meaning, semantic, 121
MediaMOO, 174
medium of Netspeak, 24-61, 74-6, 92, 149,

238-42
memory, group, 166
memos, 100, 125
message

digests, 134

history, 117

in chatgroups, 133-4

instant (Unix), 151

of an e-mail see body content
metacommunicative minimalism, 25, 41,

56
metadiscussions, 71-2, 134, 170, 189
metaflaming, 56
metahumour, 170
metaworlds, 13
Metcalfe's Law, 220
midcaps, 87-8
MIME, 124

minority languages, 219-21
misquotation, 120
misspelling see spelling, mistakes
mobile phones, 220, 226, 228-31
moderated groups, 12, 54, 56,

152, 163
moderators, 71, 130, 132-4, 146, 175,

183-4, 206
monologue, 148, 184
monosyllabic words, 157
Monty Python, 53
MOOs, 13, 15, 54

genres, 174-5

see also ElseMOO; LambdaMOO;
virtual worlds
morf, 51

Mori/Lycos surveys, 229
morphing, 201

morphology of nicknames, 161
morphs, 175
Morse, 219
Motorola, 230

movement on screen, 196, 201
movies, 228
MUCKs, 13, 173
MUD Object Orientated see MOOs



MUDs, 12-13, 36, 167, 171-94, 219

genres, 173-4

idiosyncrasy, 60, 189

size, 176-7, 186-7

see also virtual worlds
MUGs, 174
Multilingual Glossary of Internet

Terminology, 223
multilingualism, 17, 166, 227

on the Web, 216-23
multimedia, 12, 46, 191
Multipurpose Internet Mail Extension,

124
multi-tasking, 163
multi-user domains/dimensions/dungeons

see MUDs
MUSEs, 13, 173
MUSHes, 13, 173
mutter command, 178



creativity on the Web, 240

practices in chatgroups, 159-62

preferences in e-mails, 101-2, 106
narrative style, 181-2
native vs non-native speaker e-mail style,

101-2
navigation, 57, 202
neologisms, 65-70, 75, 82-6, 89, 230
nesting, 120
Net see Internet
Net generation, 6
netiquette, 52, 71-3, 98, 154-6, 168,

175-6,206
netizens, 3-4
Netlish, 17
Netspeak, 17-23

abbreviations, 84-6, 229

acquisition, 241

as a new medium, 48, 241-2

common core, 61, 62-93

compared to speech and writing, 41-8

corpora, 192-4

features, 81-93

inclusive view, 79-80

linguistic identity, 62-93, 198

manners, 52

maxims, 48-61

medium, 24-61, 74-6, 92, 149, 238-42



266



Index of topics



Netsplit, 155-6

Network Solutions, 20

networks see computer networks

New Penguin English Dictionary, The, 54

New York Times, The, 217

newbies, 53, 70

news

administrators, 129

on Web pages, 200
newsgroups, 3, 12, 129, 131-3, 167, 234
newspapers

headlines, 21-2, 89, 138

inverted pyramid style, 109
newting, 176

nicknames (nicks), 50-2, 95, 152, 153-5,
159-61

changing, 157, 161

clashes, 160

discourse role, 161-2
NickServ, 160
Nominet, 20
nonce-formations, 165
non-degradability of electronic texts, 48
non-linear text, 196
normalization of texts, 213-15
norms, 78, 111
Norwegian, 217
notebooks, 133
Nua Internet Survey, 218
null- emotes, 190
numbers

identifying paragraphs, 110

within names, 84

ob- convention, 146

obscenity, 206

obscurity, 49, 57

off-topic see topic

onomastics, 160

OOC, 175

openings see greetings

operators (IRC), 129, 152

opinions online, 168

optical fibre, 225

orderliness, 49, 57

Oregon, University of, 219

orthographic features see graphology

outbox folder, 96

out-of-character, 175

outsiders, 60



overlapping speech, 145, 152-3,

157-9
Oxford dictionary of new words, 21
Oxford Text Archive, 196
ownership of content, 44

P (as question marker), 92

page command, 178

pages see World Wide Web

PAL Virtual Environment, 167

palaver, 125

paper-clip (as symbol), 96

paragraphs

in Web pages, 200, 205

per message (in chatgroups),

145, 156
per message (in e-mails), 114
structure (in e-mails), 114-15
white space between, 110, 214

paralanguage, 34-6, 41, 89

path-names, 87

pause, 34, 89, 164

PAVE, 167

pedantry, 212-13

perception of screen data, 230

permission to use data, 192-3

persistence (of a message), 44-5, 135,
149, 192

Persistence Software, 22

person shift, 185

persona, online, 50-1, 166-7, 172, 175

personal digital assistant, 225, 230

perspicuity, 49

phatic

communion, 168
cues, 41

phonetic features, 9

phonological features, 9

photographs, 226

physical world, 18

pidgin, 188

ping-pong punning, 147

pipes (in e-mails), 115, 124

pitch variation, 34

players, as a term, 174

politeness, 7, 72

political correctness, 211-12

polysemy, 215

pornography, 206, 211

Portuguese, 19, 217



Index of topics



267



posing see emoting

posting, 133

postmasters, 133

postscripted text, 105

pragmatic effects, 38, 135

pragmatics, 48-61, 72, 97, 134, 142-4,

209, 223
pre-closing formula, 102-3
pre-editing, 120
prefixation, 83
preplanning a message, 40
preposition omission, 188
prescriptivism, 63-8, 73, 76-7, 106,
108-9, 112

by software companies, 212
pretence online, 5 1
printing, 2, 195-6

e-mails, 117
priority of messages, 96
Prisoner, The, 228
privacy issues see public vs private
private vs public verbs, 147
processing power, 225
programmers (inMUDs), 175
programming, 69, 76, 172-3, 175

language symbols, 90-2,
188-9
ProjectH, 193
pronouns, 147
pronunciation, correct, 2
proof-reading, 207
proscriptive rules, 63, 68, 80, 106
prose style, 74-80, 242
prosody, 34-6, 38-9, 51, 89
protocols, 13
proxemics, 36, 39
proxy servers, 50
pseudo-acronyms, 173
pseudonyms, 50

psycholinguistic factors, 137, 199
psychology, 119, 166, 169
public vs private, viii, 127, 168, 191-4,

239-40
publishing, 46, 74-6, 121

standards, 207

Web, 235, 240
punctuation, 195, 198

exaggerated, 89-90, 124, 164

guidelines, 74-6, 108, 128

in e-addresses, 20, 97



light, 112

minimalist, 89, 164

mistakes, 112, 236

names, 89

normalizing, 214

repeated, 34-5
puns, 70, 147
purism, 64, 212

quality

control on the Web, 207

maxim of, 49-53
quantity, maxim of, 49, 53-7
queueing, 183
question-marks, use of, 164
questions

in sequences, 122

responses to, 123

rhetorical, 122, 148

tag, 148
quotation

as framing, 119

in chatgroups, 141-2

in e-mails, 104, 120
quotation marks, 76

radio, digital, 226
rapport, 38, 40, 132, 168

renewal, 102
reaction signals, 40-1
reactions

multiple, 134

to e-mails, 116-20

within-message, 117-18
real life, 18
rebus, 86, 164, 229
recipes, 181
redundancy, 149
reduplication, 91-2, 183
register, 6, 15, 150
relevance

in chatgroup messages, 137, 140, 146

maxim, 49, 58, 98

on the Web, 209
religious language, 2, 198
remailer services, 50
repetition, phrasal, 40
repetitive strain injury, 188
'reply to author' option, 113, 115, 121
replying to e-mails, 116-20



268



Index of topics



report writing, 72
research, 53
rhythm

of Netspeak exchanges, 31

of speech, 34
rituals, linguistic, 189
role-playing, 175, 191
romances, online, 126, 169
Romulan, 219
rooms (in MUDs), 177
rudeness, 127, 154
rules, 14-15,65,71, 111, 175

breaking, 78, 108-9, 236-7
Russian, 217

s/ convention, 188-9

salutations see greetings

satire, 213

saying (in MUDs), 180

screens

configuration, 110, 151-3, 201, 234

properties, 24, 30-1, 46, 109,
198-9

size, 57, 75, 84, 109, 200, 229-31

text displayed, 110, 187, 196, 199, 205,
230-1
scribble convention, 57, 146
scrolling, 47, 105, 109, 116, 145, 187, 198-9
search-engines, 197, 208-15, 218, 236
searching, 45
self-answering, 123
self-disclosure, 126
semantic

criteria in searching, 210

distance, 137

fields, 210

incoherence, 168

shift, 163

web, 209
semantics, 142, 144, 209-11, 223

of nicknames, 161
semiotic situations, 5
semiotics, 119
sense relations, 142, 210
sent folder, 96
sentence

connectivity, 143

construction, 40, 122, 188, 230

elliptical, 83

length, 40, 57, 110, 112, 156-7, 212,
230, 234



longest, 209

number per turn, 57

types, 122

without initial capital, 88, 123
servers, 134, 155-6, 202, 206
seven, magic number, 137
sexism, 127

short messaging service, 1, 226, 228-31
shouting see capitalization
signatures (in e-mails), 99, 103-4, 143

automatic, 104-5
signing, 238
silence

ambiguity, 159

communicative function, 32
Silicon Eye Award, 211
Simpsons, The, 125
simultaneity of electronic texts, 48
slang, 66-7, 147, 165, 166
Slashdot, 16-17
slashes, 214

slogans in e-mails, 104, 114
Slovenian, 220
smileys, 34, 36-9, 45, 90, 124, 164, 167,

189-90, 229
SMS see short messaging service
smurf, 53
snail mail, 124
social relationships, 60, 101-2, 150,

168-70
sociolinguistics, Internet, 60, 239
softening devices, 38
software, 109, 126

interventions, 52, 54, 71, 94, 95, 104,
115-16, 121, 140, 154, 160, 163-4,
186,201

packages, 67, 131, 210-12, 214, 216

pedantry, 212

smart, 228

terminology, 82
solidarity, 60
sorg, 51

space-bound character of writing, 26, 44
spacing

between words, 106

to express prosody, 34-5, 87
spamming, 53-5, 133, 159, 168, 175-6,
186

filters, 240

types, 54
Spanish, 19,217,218,219



Index of topics



269



-speak, 17-18
speech

characteristics, 25-8

community, 6

compared to Netspeak, 41-8

pathology, 232

recognition, 226-7

synthesis, 226-8

technology, 9, 226

vs writing, 24-48, 238
speech acts, 29
speed

of e-mails, 111, 127

of speech, 34, 40
spelling, 2, 195, 198

American, 88

checkers, 67

exaggerated, 34, 88, 185

guidelines, 74-5, 108

mistakes, 45, 111-12, 123,
186,212

non-standard, 88-9, 147, 164-6,
236, 240

simplification, 75
spontaneity, 40, 111, 127, 148
spoofing, 52, 175
spying, 53
stereotyping, 229
stop words, 215

stream-of-consciousness, 125, 182
streaming media, 225-6
stress (prosodic), 34
Strunkenwhite virus, 213
student conference, 135-8, 141, 143, 145,

149-50
style manuals, 57, 62-81, 235

fore-mail, 97, 104-12, 127-8
stylistics, 7-9, 28-9, 64, 124, 128, 147, 198,

208,212,239
subcultural literacy, 75
subject line (in e-mails), 95, 97-8, 140

as part of the message, 99
suffixes

in domain names, 20

in Netspeak, 83-4
suits, 68-9
Sunday Times, The, 1
Surfing, 168

Survey of English Usage, 192-3
Swedish, 21,217
Swiss Federal Administration, 221



symbols, graphic, 89-90, 124, 214
synchronic vs diachronic nature of the

Web, 208-9
synchronous vs asynchronous situations,
11-12, 129, 141, 167,226
in language teaching, 234-5
see also chatgroups

tab character, 110

taboos, 186

Talk facility (Unix), 151-2

tandem learning, 233-4

TCI/IP, 13

technobabble, 2

technology see communications

technology
teenage usage, 88, 124, 166
teleconferencing, 30
telecosm, 225
telegram, 125
telegraph, 2, 125
telephone, 2, 30, 32, 41, 50, 125-6, 162

ex-directory, 240

Internet, 226

tag, 125-6

translating, 227

word prediction, 231
teleprinter, 30, 201
teleputer, 226
television, 226, 228

interactive, 204, 228

wristwatch, 228
tenses, 181, 191
terminology see jargon
text, 6

games, 231

graphic types of, 196-7
texting see short messaging service
text-messaging see short messaging service
textual

component, 144

conversation, 25

records, 169
thesaurus, 210
thinking (in MUDs), 180
thought-bubble, 180
threads, 34, 45, 58

in chatgroups, 137-40, 142

in e-mails, 98, 120-1

in virtual worlds, 183

losing, 137



270



Index of topics



tilde, 89

Times, The, 157

Times Higher Education Supplement, 107

Times New Roman, 199

time-sink effect, 208

tinkers, 175

TinyMUCKs, 173

TinyMUDs, 13, 173, 187

TinyMUSHes, 173

titles, in chatgroup messages, 137-40

toading, 71, 176

Tolkien, 219

TomSwifties, 182

tone of voice, 34, 39

topic

chatgroups, 136-40, 146-7, 162-3

e-mails, 95, 98

off-, 71, 132, 146, 163

shifting, 58, 146-7, 162-3
topography, message, 137
tracing e-mails, 50
traditional media, 18
translation, 2, 221-3, 227
trolling, 52-3
truth, 49, 51, 191
turn-taking, 32-4, 91, 145, 148, 152, 168,

170, 180, 183-4, 234, 239
typefaces, 199
typewriters, 46

text produced, 195-6
typing, 57-8, 146, 151,205

errors, 45, 88, 111-12, 147, 164,
186,212

interaction, 152

speed, 40, 89, 111, 125, 179, 188-9
typist, 175

typography, 46, 76, 87, 104, 124, 140, 195,
223, 236, 240

in nicknames, 161

on Web pages, 199, 205

underbars

for emphasis, 35

for underlining, 90
underlining, 90, 201, 208
Undernet, 152
UNICODE, 222

Uniform Resource Locator, 198, 224
University of Oregon Font Archive, 219



Unix, 16, 151-2

unpredictability of content, 146
upper-case see capitalization
URL see Uniform Resource Locator
usage, 63-70

divided, 80-1, 223
usage manuals see style manuals
Usenet, 3, 12, 91, 129, 131-3, 146, 147,

206,219
usergroups, 129
users, as a term, 174

V- (as prefix), 83
variation

in e-mails, 106

in word-processing, 212
varieties of language, 5, 6-17, 28-9, 79, 92,
122, 150, 166, 174, 179, 194, 225, 231,
238-9, 242

on the Web, 195, 197-8

prestige, 63
variety, as a term, 6
VAXNotes, 137
verbal duelling, 55, 186
verbs

auxiliary, 165

copular, 165

omission, 188

private, 147

reduplication, 91

shorthand, 188
versatility, 170
video, 46, 124, 226

on demand, 228
videoconferencing, 226
videophones, 30, 226
views, expressing, 147-8
virtual

classroom, 234

community, 6, 59, 192

reality, 18

speech community, 17, 23
virtual worlds, 12-13, 29-31, 35, 39, 58,
171-94,239

abbreviations, 84-6

anonymity, 50-1

bad behaviour, 71, 175-6

chat, 173, 191

closeness to speech and writing, 41-7



Index of topics



271



compared with chatgroups, 172, 175-7,
179-80, 183, 187

compared with e-mails, 184

dynamic nature, 44

economy, 187-9

emailing, 191

future, 194

genres, 173-5, 186

graphic character, 191

in language teaching, 234

languages used, 219

message length, 157, 184, 186-7

non-standard usage, 88, 186, 236

saving keystrokes, 87, 188

spam, 54-5, 175

spoofing, 52, 175

standard English used, 79

stylistic variation, 185-9

subject-matter, 171-2

text-based, 172, 174, 191, 194

see also MOOs; MUDs
virus alerts, 140
visual aids on the Web, 46
vocabulary see lexical features
voice, 75, 77-8, 226

recognition, 221
vowels in texting, 230
voyeurism, 53

w letter missing, 19

WAP-phones, 84, 230-1

Washington Post, 213

Weaving the Web, vii, 195

Web see World Wide Web

Weblish, 17

Webspeak, 17

Well, The, 57, 74, 129, 130-3, 135,

143-4
What You Send Is What They See, 201
whispering (in MUDs), 178, 186
whois, 80, 83, 154

Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link see Well, The
whowhere, 83
wildcard, 174
Wired magazine, 74-6
Wired Style, 13, 16, 22, 25, 65, 69, 70,

74-80, 84, 93, 200, 204
Wireless Application Protocol see

WAP-phones



wireless applications, 220
Wireless Markup Language, 230
wizards, 71, 175
WML, 230
word

creation, 82-6, 182

length, 156

prediction, 23 1
Word Perhect, 213
wordiness, 108
wordplay see language, play
word-processing, 30, 46, 196
World Wide Web, 13-14, 58, 87, 195-223,
226, 239

abbreviations, 84-6

addresses, 87, 89, 198, 206

brevity, 57, 74, 200

compared to speech and writing, 41-7

consortium, 222

documents, 195

dynamic nature, 44, 201

eclecticism, 197-8, 208, 216

evolution, 204-16

filtering, 211

functions, 168, 203

identity, 198-204

in language teaching, 235-6

languages used, 216-23

legibility, 198-201

management, 204-16

navigation, 57, 202-4

on WAP-phones, 230

pages, 3, 44, 46, 57, 87, 198, 200, 205,
208,221,236

paragraph length, 200

semantic, 209

sites, 198, 202-4, 218-20, 235-6

style recommendations, 74

style shifts, 207

synchronic vs diachronic character,
208-9

variety status, 195, 198
wrap-around, 110, 199
Write facility (Unix), 151
Written Communication, 232
written language

ambiguity, 38

characteristics, 25-8, 44-8

compared to Netspeak, 43-8, 125



272



Index of topics



written language (cont.)

in most primitive state, 1 70,
207

systems, 222

variety features, 7-8

vs spoken language, 24-48, 195
written speech, 25
W3 see World Wide Web
WWW see World Wide Web
WYSIWTS.201



X-Files MUCK, 173
X-Men, 165
XML 198, 230

Yoruba, 219
YOYOW, 132
Ytalk, 151

-Z as plural ending, 8i
zone of hearing, 239