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\b\fs36\insrsid1318786\charrsid1074055 \hich\af0\dbch\af13\loch\f0 Full text of "The Malolos Constitution" \par }\pard \ltrpar\qj \li0\ri0\sl180\slmult0\nowidctlpar\wrapdefault\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0\pararsid1074055 {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs24\insrsid6493368\charrsid1074055 \loch\af0\hich\af0\dbch\f13 \'a3\'ba}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs24\insrsid6493368\charrsid1074055 \par }\pard \ltrpar\qc \li0\ri0\sl180\slmult0\nowidctlpar\wrapdefault\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0\pararsid3869496 {\field{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs24\insrsid1074055 \hich\af0\dbch\af13\loch\f0 \hich\af0\dbch\af13\loch\f0 HYPERLINK "http://www.downhi.com/"\hich\af0\dbch\af13\loch\f0 }{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs24\insrsid13719882\charrsid1074055 {\*\datafield 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{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid6493368\charrsid1074055 \par }{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid6493368\charrsid1074055 \par }\pard \ltrpar\qj \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\wrapdefault\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0\pararsid15866361 {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs24\insrsid3869496\charrsid1074055 \hich\af0\dbch\af13\loch\f0 \par STOP \par\par \par \par Early Journal Content on JSTOR, Free to Anyone in the World \par \par This article is one of nearly 500,000 scholarly works digitized and made freely available to everyone in \par the world by JSTOR. \par \par Known as the Early Journal Content, this set of works include research articles, news, letters, and other \par writings published in more than 200 of the oldest leading academic journals. The works date from the \par mid-seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries. \par \par We encourage people to read and share the Early Journal Content openly and to tell others that this \par resource exists. People may post this content online or redistribute in any way for non-commercial \par purposes. \par \par Read more about Early Journal Content at http://about.jstor.org/participate-jstor/individuals/early- \par journal-content . \par\par \par \par JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary source objects. JSTOR helps people \par discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content through a powerful research and teaching \par platform, and preserves this content for future generations. JSTOR is part of ITHAKA, a not-for-profit \par organization that also includes Ithaka S R and Portico. For more information about JSTOR, please \par contact support@jstor.org. \par\par \par \par THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION \par A Filipino Attempt at Constitution-Making \par \par THE only constitution ever framed by Filipinos is what is \par known as the Malolos Constitution, taking its name \par from the then capital of the Filipino Revolutionary \par Government. This constitution, to be understood, should be \par viewed in relation to its background : centuries of Spanish rule \par over the Philippines, insurrections first against the authority of \par Spain and " her bad government", and later against the as- \par sumption of sovereignty by the United States, and the gradu- \par ally increasing se http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html nse of nationality which, nourished in the \par blood of martyrdom, grew into a common and an ardent desire \par for independence. \par \par Although the revolt of 1872 against Spain failed almost at \par once, it was revived on a larger scale in 1896 and was only \par temporarily checked by the Pact of Biac-na-bato, between the \par Spanish authorities and General Emilio Aguinaldo, the com- \par mander-in-chief of the Filipino forces. A recrudescence of the \par outbreak, with various causes, the principal of which was a \par misunderstanding of American aims, began in 1898, and was \par brought to a conclusion by the dispersal of the Filipino forces \par and the capture of General Aguinaldo, followed by the Amnesty \par Proclamation of the President of the United States, July 4, \par 1902, granting full and complete pardon to all persons for \par political offenses committed in the islands. \par \par A Filipino government was first established in the form of a \par dictatorship by Aguinaldo's proclamation of May 24, 1898. \par The government, according to this proclamation, was " to be \par administered by decrees promulgated upon my responsibility \par solely," until the islands shall be " completely conquered and \par able to form a constitutional convention and to elect a presi- \par dent and a cabinet in whose favor I will duly resign the author- \par \par 9i \par\par \par \par g 2 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol. XXXVI \par \par ity." ' One month later, the Dictatorial Government gave way \par to the Revolutionary Government, with Aguinaldo as president. \par The objects of the Revolutionary Government, according to the \par proclamation providing for its temporary constitution, were " to \par struggle for the independence of the Philippines, until all \par nations, including Spain, shall expressly recognize it, and to \par prepare the country for the establishment of a real Re http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html public. 2 \par \par During the entire period, 1 897-1901, Emilio Aguinaldo was \par successively the commander general, the dictator, the president \par of the Revolutionary Government, and the president of the \par Philippine Republic. He was assisted by cabinets, in which \par served eminent Filipinos such as Apolinario Mabini, Pedro A. \par Paterno, and Felipe Buencamino. Foreign delegates were ap- \par pointed, of whom Felipe Agoncillo was the most active. Two \par groups arose in the government : one, the Radicals or " Irrecon- \par cilables" the war party which believed in independence at any \par cost, and the other, the Conservatives or " Paci.fi.cos" who \par wanted peace, with independence if possible, but if not, the \par best government which peaceful means could obtain from the \par Spanish or American regimes. From the standpoint of inter- \par national law, the Filipino government was of the class known \par as a de facto governments \par \par Possibly the most important manifestation of governmental \par capacity — at least it is of most interest in this connection — was \par the record of the revolutionary congress. In conformity with \par the organic decree of June 23, 1898, made effective by decrees \par of September 4 and 10 of the same year, the congress con- \par vened in the church of Barasoain near Malolos, Bulacan, on \par September 15, 1898. Eighty-five deputies, some elected and \par some appointed, responded to the summons. 4 The legal pro- \par \par 1 See Aguinaldo's Resena Veridica de la Revoluci6n Filipina (True Review of the \par Philippine Revolution) of September 23, 1899, published in vol. 35, Cong. Record, \par Part 8, Appendix, p. 440. Proclamation quoted in Senate Document 62, p. 431. \par \par 'Calderdn, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina (My Memories of the Phil- \par ippine Revolution), pp. 72-92. \par \par 3 Macleod v. United States (1912 http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html ) 229 U. S. 416, 57, L. Ed. 1260; U. S. v. \par Pagaduan (1917) 37 Phil. 90. \par \par *Calder6n, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, Appendix, pp. 1-3; Wor- \par cester, The Philippines Past and Present, vol. i, p. 264. The list printed with the \par\par \par \par No. I] THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION 93 \par \par fession was most largely represented. Many able Filipinos \par were included among the members. Some were later to fill \par important posts in the American administration. There was \par Pedro A. Paterno, a prominent figure during the closing days \par of the Spanish administration and an intermediary between the \par Spanish officials and the Filipino radicals ; Benito Legarda, sub- \par sequently a member of the Philippine Commission and a resi- \par dent commissioner to the United States; Gregorio Araneta, \par attorney-general and secretary of finance and justice; Pablo \par Ocampo, resident commissioner to the United States; Trinidad \par A. Pardo de Tavera, member of the Philippine Commission and \par organizer of the Federal Party; Alberto Barretto, secretary of \par finance; Ignacio Villamor, attorney-general and president of \par the University of the Philippines ; Arsenio Cruz Herrera, mayor \par of Manila and member of the Philippine Assembly; Felipe \par Buencamino, long a well-known lawyer ; and others who be- \par came judges or assemblymen. While a few delegates were \par graduates of European universities, yet Felipe Calderon, the \par member of the convention who assumed the most prominent \par r61e in its deliberations, and whose work, My Memories of the \par Philippine Revolution, is of a nature similar to that of The \par Federalist, and of Prince Ito's Commentaries on the Japanese \par Constitution, is frank to admit that they had little or no knowl- \par edge of matters political and constitutional. 1 An American \par writer, John Barrett, more charitabl http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html y inclined, says that the \par delegates " would compare in behavior, manner, dress and edu- \par cation with the average men of the better classes of other Asi- \par atic nations, possibly including the Japanese. These men, \par whose sessions I repeatedly attended, conducted themselves \par with great decorum and showed a knowledge of debate and \par parliamentary law that would not compare unfavorably with \par the Japanese parliament."" \par \par official edition of the political constitution of the Philippine Republic contains the \par names of ninety-two members, later raised to one hundred and ten. Le Roy, The \par Americans in the Philippines, vol. i, pp. 288, 299, notes. \par \par 1 Calder6n, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, pp. 234, 235. \par \par 2 John Barrett, ex-Minister to Siam, in an address at Shanghai, January 12, 1899; \par and, by the same author, "Some Phases of the Philippine Situation," Review of \par Reviews, July, 1899, p. 65. \par\par \par \par 94 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol. XXXVI \par \par The sessions of the revolutionary congress were opened by \par the president, who read his message in person. The delegates \par were therein enjoined " to write with their votes the immortal \par book of the Filipino Constitution, as the supreme expression of \par the national will." z The congress was organized with Pedro A. \par Paterno as president, Benito Legarda as vice-president, and \par Gregorio Araneta and Pablo Ocampo as secretaries. The rules \par of the Spanish Cortes, slightly modified, were temporarily \par adopted. Eight committees were selected, including a com- \par mittee to draft a constitution, composed of Hipolito Magsalin, \par Basilio Teodoro, Jose Albert, Joaquin Gonzalez, Gregorio \par Araneta, Pablo Ocampo, Aguedo Velarde, Higinio Benitez, \par Tomas G. del Rosario, Jose Alejandrino, Alberto Barretto, \par Jose Ma. de la Vina, Jose http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html Luna, Antonio Luna, Mariano Abella, \par Juan Manday, Felipe Calderon, Arsenio Cruz Herrera, and \par Felipe Buencamino. 2 Subsequent to the perfection of an or- \par ganization, and the patriotic ratification of a declaration of in- \par dependence, the principal work of the congress became the \par discussion and adoption of a constitution. \par \par Contemporary testimony shows that the Committee on the \par Constitution had before it three plans: those of Paterno, a \par modification of his autonomy project ; of Mabini, expounded \par in his True Decalogue and his Constitutional Program ; and of \par Calderon. The project of the latter prevailed, and was re- \par ported to the congress on October 8, 1898.3 Then, after \par printed copies had been distributed, there ensued a discussion \par article by article, lasting for over a month — from October 25 \par to November 29. Those prominent in the debates were \par Felipe Calderon, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Juaquin Gon- \par zalez, Tomas G. del Rosario, Arcadio del Rosario, Ignacio \par Villamor, Alberto Barretto, Aguedo Velarde, and Pablo Tec- \par son. The religious question — whether to adopt a state religion \par as proposed by Calderon, or separation of church and state as \par \par 1 Millet, The Expedition to the Philippines, pp. 261-267; Calder6n, Mis Memor- \par ias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, appendix, pp. 3-5. \par \par 2 Calder6n, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, pp. 234, 235; appendix,. \par pp. 5-10. \par \par % Ibid., appendix, pp. 16-18. \par\par \par \par No. I] THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION 95 \par \par advocated by the faction under the leadership of Tomas G. del \par Rosario — was the subject of the most heated debate ; after the \par first vote had resulted in a tie, twenty-five to twenty-five, Pablo \par Tecson cast the deciding vote in favor of the amendment pro- \par viding for freedom of worship. 1 T http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html he constitution was approved \par by congress on November 29 and immediately transmitted to \par General Aguinaldo for promulgation. The president of the \par Revolutionary Government, however, acting on the instigation \par of the premier, Mabini, returned the proposed constitution on \par December 1, 1898, with a message in which he recommended \par certain amendments. 2 The congress, following the report of \par its committee, prepared by Calderdn, refused to accede to these \par amendments.3 The president thereupon gave in and approved \par the constitution on December 23. On January 21, 1899, the \par day after the formal adoption by congress, President Aguinaldo \par promulgated the constitution and ordered that it should be \par " kept, complied with and executed in all its parts because it is \par the sovereign will of the Filipino people." A copy of the con- \par stitution was forwarded by Aguinaldo to General Otis, the \par military governor, with the comment that the people " have \par adopted the form of government most compatible with their \par aspirations". 4 Due to the war, the Malolos Constitution was \par never actually put in force. \par \par Mabini vigorously contended that under the provisions of \par \par ■An account, with brief summaries of the discussion, will be found in La Indepen- \par dencia for November 29, 30, and December 1, 1898, and in Calderdn, Mis Memor- \par ias sobre la Revolucidn Filipina, pp. 241-245. See Le Roy, The Americans in the \par Philippines, vol. i, pp. 316, 317. Article 5, Title III, of the constitution as passed \par reads: "The State recognizes the freedom and equality of religious worship, as well \par as the separation of the Church and the State." \par \par 2 Calderdn, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, appendix, p. 99; Ponce, \par Efemerides Filipinas, pp. 71-74; Kalaw, Documentos Constitucionales sobre Fili- \par pinas, Part http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html 2, p. 36, citing Document 34, say December 1, 1898. Kalaw, La Con- \par stituci6n de Malolos, and Worcester, The Philippines Past and Present, vol. i, p. 266, \par citing record 40.8, give January I, 1899. See Mabini, La Revoluci6n Filipina, p. \par 72. Message quoted in Kalaw, La Constituci6n de Malolos, Appendix B. \par \par 3 Quoted in Calderdn, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, pp. 237, 238, \par appendix, pp. 99, et. seq ; and in Kalaw, La Constitucidn de Malolos, Appendix C. \par \par ♦Hearings before the Senate Committee on the Philippines, vol. i, p. 823; Sen- \par ate Document 138, 56th Congress, 1st session; Ponce, Efemerides Filipinas, p. 71. \par\par \par \par 9 6 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol. XXXVI \par \par articles fifteen and sixteen of the organic decree giving the \par powers of Congress, it had no legal right to adopt a constitu- \par tion. He advised Aguinaldo that " congress should not adopt \par a constitution, as it was not a constituent assembly; nor could \par it enact laws, as it did not have any legislative powers ; and its \par principal and urgent duty was to study the best system of or- \par ganizing the military forces and obtaining the necessary funds \par for the maintenance of the same." " Moreover," he added, \par " it was not the right time for framing a constitution, as the \par independence of the Philippines had not as yet been recog- \par nized." * His advice was of no avail and was rejected by the \par president and the cabinet. Mabini was probably right in \par theory, but wrong in fact. He was right in showing that the \par time was not the best for the drafting of a formal constitution. \par The testimony of others proves him wrong in arguing that the \par principal aim of the congress was not the adoption of a consti- \par tution. That was the avowed purpose as a matter of policy. \par \par While Felipe G. Calderon is entitled to th http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html e honor of being \par called the author of the Malolos Constitution, that document \par was by no means an entirely original creation. Prior con- \par stitutional projects in the Philippines had a molding influ- \par ence. The Cartilla and the Sanggunian-Hukuman — the \par charter and code of laws and morals of the Katipunan, drawn \par up by Emilio Jacinto (1896); the provisional constitution of \par Biaknabato (1897) modeled after a revolutionary constitution \par of Cuba, planned by Isabelo Artacho ; Mabini's Constitutional \par Program of the Philippine Republic (1898); the provisional \par constitution of Mariano Ponce (1898), following Spanish con- \par stitutions; and the autonomy projects of Paterno (1898) — all \par contributed to the evolution of the Malolos Constitution. 1 \par Besides, as the committee on the constitution said in its report : \par \par 1 Mabini's Writings, vol. ii, pp. 246, 247; Mabini, La Revolucidn Filipina, pp. \par 68-71. See Kalaw, "The Constitutional Flan of the Philippine Revolution," \par Philippine Law Journal, December, 1914, pp. 208, 209. \par \par 'Epifanio de los Santos, Biography of Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, p. 33; \par Epifanio de los Santos, Biography of Emilio Jacinto; Kalaw, "The Constitutional \par Plan of the Philippine Revolution," Philippine Law Journal, December, 1914, pp. \par 204-207. \par\par \par \par No. I] THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION 97 \par \par "The work whose results the commission has the honor to \par present for the consideration of congress has been largely a \par matter of selection ; in executing it not only has the French \par constitution been used, but also the constitutions of Belgium, \par Mexico, Brazil, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Guatemala, as we \par have considered those nations as most resembling the Filipino \par people." ' The general outline of the text was borrowed from \par Costa Rica, Chile, and Spain. The http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html inspiration was always \par drawn from Spanish or Spanish-American constitutions. A \par comparison of the articles of the Malolos Constitution with \par those of Spain and the South American republics will show \par this. Such influence as the constitution of the United States \par had upon the Malolos document filtered through the constitu- \par tions of its Southern neighbors. Arcadio del Rosario did in- \par deed contend on the floor of the revolutionary congress that \par the work of the committee should have been patterned after the \par constitution of the American nation, which " being the champion \par of liberty, is the most democratic nation, and with which the \par Filipino people are united by strong ties of friendship and \par sympathy " ; but the reply of Calderon prevailed — " that the \par gratitude which the Filipino people owed the American nation \par did not oblige them to adopt the institutions of the latter, \par taking into consideration the differences in their history, usages, \par and customs, and that the country was most akin, politically, to \par the South American republics, and other Latin nations ".� \par \par The tendency to absorb Latin principles was natural, in fact \par inevitable, because of the education of the leading members \par and their familiarity with Spanish institutions, and because of \par what Calderdn called the " religious tradition." \par \par The constitution 3 opened with a preamble reading: "We, \par \par l Calder6n, Mis Memorias sobte la Revolucidn Filipina, appendix, pp. 16-18; \par Ponce, Efemgrides Filipinas, pp. 71-74; Worcester, The Philippines Past and \par Present, vol. i, p. 265, citing record 40.1. \par \par * See Calderdn, Mis Memorias sobre la Revoluci6n Filipina, appendix, pp. 19-23, \par for a synopsis of the debate. \par \par * Published in Tagalog in the Heraldo Filipina, official organ of the revolutionary \par g http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html overnment, last instalment on February 5, 1899. See Harper's History of the War \par in the Philippines, p. 106, for facsimile. Appears in Spanish as an appendix to \par\par \par \par 9 8 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol. XXXVI \par \par the Representatives of the Filipino People, lawfully convened, \par in order to establish justice, provide for common defense, pro- \par mote the general welfare and insure the benefits of liberty, im- \par ploring the aid of the Sovereign Legislator of the Universe \par for the attainment of these ends, have voted, decreed, and \par sanctioned the following political constitution ". The constitu- \par tion then organized a Filipino state called the Philippine Re- \par public, sovereignty residing exclusively in the people. The \par national and individual rights of Filipinos and aliens were next \par specified. These provisions are, in the main, literal copies of \par articles of the Spanish constitution. The bill of rights included \par — religious liberty ; freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprison- \par ment, a provision like that of Spain; recognition of what \par amounts to the writ of habeas corpus; sanctity of domicile; \par prohibition of unreasonable searches and seizures; right to \par choose one's domicile ; inviolability of correspondence ; prohi- \par bition of criminal prosecutions unless in a competent court and \par according to law ; protection of private property, reserving to \par the government the right of eminent domain ; inhibition against \par the payment of any tax not legally prescribed; freedom of \par speech and press ; right to form associations ; right to petition ; \par permission to establish educational institutions : compulsory and \par free popular education; right of expatriation; prohibition of \par trial under special laws or by special tribunals; prohibition \par against laws of primogeniture and the entailment of pro http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html perty ; \par prohibition of acceptance of titles of honor or nobility from \par foreign nations without authorization of the government and of \par the granting of such honors by the Republic. The constitution \par also provided (article 28) that " the enumeration of the rights \par granted in this title does not imply the prohibition of any others \par not expressly stated. " On every Filipino there was imposed \par the obligation of defending the country and of contributing to \par the expenses of the state. A government was established which \par was expected to be popular, representative and responsible, \par \par Kalaw, La Constituci6n de Malolos. Appears in English as Appendix C to the \par Hearings before the Committee on the Philippines, United States Senate, Sixty- \par third Congress, Third Session; as Exhibit IV, vol. i, Report of the Philippine \par Commission, 1900; and in Senate Document 208, Part I, p. 207. \par\par \par \par No. i] THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION 99, \par \par consisting of three independent powers called the legislative, \par the executive and the judicial. Profiting by prior experience, \par the Church and the State were made separate. \par \par The legislative power was vested in a unicameral body called \par the Assembly of Representatives. The members were to be \par elected according to law for terms of four years. They were \par expected to represent the entire nation and not exclusively the \par voters who chose them. The secretaries of the government were \par given seats in the assembly. The assembly was to meet annu- \par ally for a period of at least three months. Bills could be intro- \par duced either by the president or by a member of the assembly. \par No bill could become a law without having been passed by the \par assembly, at least a fourth part of the total number of mem- \par bers being present. As the legislative powers of the assembly \par http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html were not specified, it is logical to presume that it was to have \par all power not expressly prohibited to it by the constitution. \par Among powers not legislative in nature granted to the body \par were the right to select its own officers, the right of censure and \par interpellation, and the right of impeaching the president, the \par cabinet members, the chief justice of the supreme court, and the \par solicitor-general. A permanent commission of seven, elected \par by the assembly, and granted certain specific powers by the \par constitution, was to sit during the intervals between sessions of \par the assembly. \par \par The executive power was vested in the president of the \par Republic. The president was to be elected by a constituent \par assembly, consisting of the members of the assembly of repre- \par sentatives and special representatives (as to who these were to \par be the constitution is silent), for a term of four years, and was \par to be eligible for re-election. No vice-president was provided \par for. In case of a vacancy in the office of chief executive, a \par president was to be selected by the constituent assembly, the \par prerogatives of the office in the meantime being exercised by \par the chief justice of the supreme court. Among the powers \par granted to the president were : the initiation of laws ; the veto \par power ; the command of the army and navy ; and the right to \par dissolve the assembly, to send messages to the legislature, to \par appoint the secretaries of the government, to grant pardons, \par\par \par \par IOO POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol. XXXVI \par \par and to have control over diplomatic and commercial relations \par with other states. The functions of the executive department \par were to be performed by the Council of the Government, com- \par posed of a president and seven secretaries. The several port- \par folios were: forei http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html gn affairs, interior, finance, war and navy, \par public instruction, public communications and works, and agri- \par culture, industry, and commerce. The secretaries were made \par jointly responsible to the assembly for the general policy of the \par government and individually responsible for their personal acts. \par An important duty of the cabinet was that of annually present- \par ing a budget to the assembly. It is to be presumed that such \par a plan would evolve into responsible government. \par \par The judicial power was vested in the supreme court of justice \par and in other courts to be created by law. The membership \par and organization of the courts was to be governed by special \par laws. The chief justice of the supreme court and the solicitor- \par general were to be chosen by the national assembly, with the \par concurrence of the president of the Republic and the secretaries \par of the government. The courts were made " absolutely inde- \par pendent of the legislative and executive departments ", and \par were given the power to apply the laws in civil and criminal \par cases in the name of the nation. But one system of law was to \par be established throughout the Republic for all citizens. \par \par The organization of the provincial and municipal assemblies \par was to be governed generally by the following principles: (i) \par The government and direction of the interests of the several \par provinces and municipalities by their respective corporations : \par (2) popular and direct elections; (3) intervention by the \par central government or by the national assembly in case the \par provinces or municipalities exceeded their powers. Local \par government was to be placed upon " the basis of the most \par ample decentralization and administrative autonomy." Amend- \par ments to the constitution must originate in the assembly of \par representatives, while power http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html of adoption resided in the con- \par stituent assembly. Transitory articles to cover the then exist- \par ing extraordinary situation were appended. An " additional \par article " provided for the " restoration to the Filipino State " — \par meaning confiscation — of the properties belonging to the reli- \par gious corporations in the Philippines. \par\par \par \par No. I] THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION IO i \par \par Not to attempt to indite commentaries on a constitution \par which was never in force, there are certain unique and out- \par standing features therein which should at least be mentioned. \par Among these are the establishment of the unicameral system ; \par the permanent commission ; ministerial responsibility ; central \par intervention in local administration; the taking of the proper- \par ties of the religious orders; and the dominance of the legisla- \par tive power. Reasons of local character caused the inclusion \par of such provisions. If one wished, most could be justified on \par broader grounds. Thus, the unicameral system, which is more \par natural than accidental, and which has found advocates in such \par countries as Greece, Rome, England, and France, has its mer- \par its. The legislative commission, still to be found in certain \par modern constitutions, gives continually to government, and is \par greatly to be commended. Ministerial responsibility, resulting \par in the bringing of the executive and legislative powers into \par close unison, and to increased governmental efficiency, is to be \par found in almost every advanced country excepting the United \par States. \par \par The central and all-pervading idea of the constitution was to \par insure the predominance of the legislature. This is explained \par by Calderon in the following words : \par \par While I proclaimed the principle of the separation of powers, I con- \par ferred upon the legislature su http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html ch ample powers in the constitution that \par in reality it had the power of supervision over the executive and judi- \par cial branches ; and in order to make this supervision more effective, in \par imitation of the constitution of Costa Rica, I established what is known \par as the Permanent Commission, i. e., a committee composed of mem- \par bers of Congress who are to assume all the powers of the same while \par not in session, with sufficient powers to adopt any urgent measures in \par case of emergency ; in a word, it can be said that the Congress of the \par republic was the supreme power (poder omnimodo) in the whole na- \par tion. . . . Having in mind that, should we become independent, we \par would have for a long time an oligarchical republic in which the mili- \par tary element, which is ignorant as a whole, would predominate, in \par order to check this oligarchy, I preferred to neutralize it by an intellec- \par tual oligarchy, since Congress was composed of the most intellectual \par classes of our country. This is the reason why I conferred upon the \par\par \par \par 102 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol. XXXVI \par \par legislature such ample powers, not only in the field of legislation but \par also in the supervision of the executive and judicial branches. In a \par word, between the two oligarchies, I preferred the intellectual oligar- \par chy of the many to the ignorant oligarchy. 1 \par \par Were a constitution to be drafted today by a Filipino con- \par stitutional convention, it is most unlikely that certain features \par of the Malolos constitution would be revived. Certainly a uni- \par cameral system would not be established and it is to be doubted \par if the sober sense of the Filipinos would favor the confiscation \par of religious property. The Malolos Constitution, consequently, \par is now principally of academic interest, as a phase in Philippine \par c http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html onstitutional development, and as an indication of a Filipino \par conception of democratic institutions. \par \par In doing justice to the Malolos Constitution one need not \par agree with the fulsome eulogy accorded to its framers by even \par so eminent an authority as Senator Hoar, who said, " there are \par not ten men on the planet who could have made one better ". \par It should always be remembered, in judging its merits and de- \par merits, that it was intended to be provisional, was drafted by \par men inexperienced in grave constitutional problems, and was \par flung together in a time of storm and stress. Moreover, in or- \par der to do the constitution justice, it should also be recalled that \par many provisions which to the American observer seem strange, \par to the Filipino were natural and fitting. After all, the consti- \par tution did conform to many of the tests of a good constitution, \par and it is to be presumed that it did faithfully portray the as- \par pirations and political ideals of the people. Perhaps we can do \par no better than to conclude, as did the leading Filipino student \par of the Malolos Constitution : \par \par In spite of the circumstances which then existed, when it seemed as if \par nothing could stand, when everything was tottering on its foundations, \par when the very secular institutions and all that most respected the past \par was threatened with death and destruction, it was yet possible to frame \par \par *Calder6n, Mis Memorias sobre la Revolucidn Filipina, pp. 239-241. Mabini, \par although of the opposite party, reaches much the same conclusion in his Political \par Trinity. As to the unicameral system and the permanent commission, see Kalaw, \par La Constituci6n de Malolos, pp. 22-27. \par\par \par \par No. I] THE MALOLOS CONSTITUTION 103 \par \par with serenity and rectitude a constitution which was logical, rigid, \par formal, a http://www.nuokui.com/txt/BrPPXZlDIa9I.html lone in its class, a beautiful and imperishable document which \par constitutes, according to the Message of Aguinaldo, 'the most glorious \par token of the noble aspirations of the Philippine Revolution and an \par irrefutable proof before the civilized world of the culture and capacity \par of the Filipino people for self-government ", a constitution which \par established — one is forced to admit — in spite of its being provisional, \par tbe first democratic republic in the Orient, for even the Japanese con- \par stitution of the year 1889 can not be compared favorably with the \par provisional Constitution of Malolos. 1 \par \par George A. Malcolm. \par \par (Associate Justice, Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands. Author of The \par Government of the Philippine Islands, Philippine Civics etc.) \par Manila, P. I. \par \par 1 Kalaw, La Constituci6n de Malolos, p. 33. \par\par \par \par }{ \rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs24\insrsid6493368\charrsid1074055 \par }\pard \ltrpar\qj \li0\ri0\sl180\slmult0\nowidctlpar\wrapdefault\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0\pararsid6493368 {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid1074055 \par \par \par }{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0\afs30 \ltrch\fcs0 \fs30\cf17\dbch\af18\insrsid1074055\charrsid1074055 \hich\af0\dbch\af18\loch\f0 Free Document Search Engine. support all pdf,DOC,PPT,RTF,XLS,TXT\hich\af0\dbch\af18\loch\f0 ,Ebook! \hich\af0\dbch\af18\loch\f0 F \hich\af0\dbch\af18\loch\f0 ree\hich\af0\dbch\af18\loch\f0 \hich\af0\dbch\af18\loch\f0 download! 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